Redistricting always seems to rear its head mid-decade, long after most states have put their maps away. Texas has redrawn its initial congressional maps at least once every decade since the 1970s — often under court order. With yesterday’s judicial ruling that two districts in Florida were unconstitutional, that state has joined the party this decade.
— A circuit court judge in Florida said Thursday that FL-05 and FL-10 were drawn with partisan intent and will have to be remapped. FL-05 is Rep. Corrine Brown‘s (D) meandering, majority-black district stretching from Jacksonville to Orlando, while FL-10 is Rep. Dan Webster‘s (R) neighboring seat, a R+6 district where Webster nevertheless had a difficult race in 2012.
— Don’t expect anything to change this year; with appeals in the works and Florida’s primaries looming, 2016 is a more likely — and potentially more interesting — time to expect changes to the map, should the decision survive appeal. Consider, especially, that Republicans might not have unified control of a legislative remapping process, should Charlie Crist (D) win the governor’s race.
— Webster’s 2016 race could get very interesting in that scenario. Any changes to the boundaries of his district would seem likely to bring in more of Central Florida’s booming Puerto Rican population, which has helped make the region more Democratic recently — but is largely missing from Webster’s carefully drawn district. Webster ran behind Mitt Romney in 2012, and Democrats would love to have former sheriff and 2012 candidate Val Demings (D) take another shot at some point.
As Florida sorts out its maps and legal challenges, Texas continues to move forward with its own court saga this month. The middle years of this decade have plenty to offer redistricting junkies.
— Scott Bland
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Before we get to the specifics of this exposé about escorts working the Iowa and New Hampshire primary crowds, let’s get three things out of the way: 1.) It’s from Cosmopolitan; 2.) most of the women quoted use fake (if colorful) names; and 3.) again, it’s from Cosmopolitan. That said, here’s what we learned:
- Business was booming: one escort who says she typically gets two inquiries a weekend got 15 requests in the pre-primary weekend.
- Their primary season clientele is a bit older than normal—”40s through mid-60s, compared with mostly twentysomething regulars” and “they’ve clearly done this before.”
- They seemed more nervous than other clients, because “the stakes are higher when you’re working for a possible future president” but “all practiced impeccable manners.”
- One escort “typically enjoy[s] the company of Democrats more, just because I feel like our views line up a lot more.”
No matter where you stand on mandating companies to include a backdoor in encryption technologies, it doesn’t make sense to allow that decision to be made on a state level. “The problem with state-level legislation of this nature is that it manages to be both wildly impractical and entirely unenforceable,” writes Brian Barrett at Wired. There is a solution to this problem. “California Congressman Ted Lieu has introduced the ‘Ensuring National Constitutional Rights for Your Private Telecommunications Act of 2016,’ which we’ll call ENCRYPT. It’s a short, straightforward bill with a simple aim: to preempt states from attempting to implement their own anti-encryption policies at a state level.”
Much has been made of David Brooks’s recent New York Times column, in which confesses to missing already the civility and humanity of Barack Obama, compared to who might take his place. In NewYorker.com, Jeffrey Frank reminds us how critical such attributes are to foreign policy. “It’s hard to imagine Kennedy so casually referring to the leader of Russia as a gangster or a thug. For that matter, it’s hard to imagine any president comparing the Russian leader to Hitler [as] Hillary Clinton did at a private fund-raiser. … Kennedy, who always worried that miscalculation could lead to war, paid close attention to the language of diplomacy.”
The New Covenant. The Third Way. The Democratic Leadership Council style. Call it what you will, but whatever centrist triangulation Bill Clinton embraced in 1992, Hillary Clinton wants no part of it in 2016. Writing for Bloomberg, Sasha Issenberg and Margaret Talev explore how Hillary’s campaign has “diverged pointedly” from what made Bill so successful: “For Hillary to survive, Clintonism had to die.” Bill’s positions in 1992—from capital punishment to free trade—“represented a carefully calibrated diversion from the liberal orthodoxy of the previous decade.” But in New Hampshire, Hillary “worked to juggle nostalgia for past Clinton primary campaigns in the state with the fact that the Bill of 1992 or the Hillary of 2008 would likely be a marginal figure within today’s Democratic politics.”
At first, “it was pleasant” to see Trevor Noah “smiling away and deeply dimpling in the Stewart seat, the seat that had lately grown gray hairs,” writes The Atlantic‘s James Parker in assessing the new host of the once-indispensable Daily Show. But where Jon Stewart was a heavyweight, Noah is “a very able lightweight, [who] needs time too. But he won’t get any. As a culture, we’re not about to nurture this talent, to give it room to grow. Our patience was exhausted long ago, by some other guy. We’re going to pass judgment and move on. There’s a reason Simon Cowell is so rich. Impress us today or get thee hence. So it comes to this: It’s now or never, Trevor.”