If France decides to join the United States in a strike against Syria, it would be the first time American and French forces have conducted a joint military operation since the Siege of Yorktown at the end of the American Revolutionary War.
France and the U.S. have had their famous disagreements over military action, most notably the Iraq war and France’s decision to leave Afghanistan before NATO and U.S. troops planned their drawdown. The two countries have also had some near-misses on joint operations. For example, in 1954, U.S. forces proposed an operation that would have saved French forces in the Battle of Dein Bien Phu against Communist militants in Vietnam. American planes would have taken off from bases in the Philippines. But the political risks of getting involved in the fight were too much for President Eisenhower, and he nixed the operation, called Operation Vulture.
Indeed, the United States and France have been allies in different conflicts throughout history. But the two nations have not gone after a target alone together since the War of Independence. And it just so happens to have been at the final decisive victory at Yorktown, Va.
France came to the side of the Americans during the Revolutionary War following the colonials’ victory at Saratoga. The French, attempting to become the military power of Europe over Britain, signed the Treaty of Alliance in 1778, ushered through by Benjamin Franklin.
The French navy became a vital asset to the Americans in the fight against the British toward the end of the Revolution. Under the leadership of Comte de Grasse, the French defeated a British fleet in the Battle of the Chesapeake in 1781, giving Franco-Anglo ground forces an advantage going into the Siege of Yorktown.
Those forces, after uniting in New York City during the summer of 1781, headed down to Virginia and met the British for battle at Yorktown. The Americans, led by Gen. George Washington, and the French, led by Comte de Rochambeau, totaling near 19,000 troops, overcame the 9,000 British soldiers.
Following the battle, the British surrendered to American and French forces. Lord Cornwallis, the British commander, famously “became ill” and did not attend the surrender ceremony, handing the task to one of his aides. The Treaty of Paris came two years later in 1783, ending the Revolutionary War.
And, interestingly, this was the last joint operation between these two peoples, although the United States and France have conducted several joint military practice operations in recent years.
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Before we get to the specifics of this exposé about escorts working the Iowa and New Hampshire primary crowds, let’s get three things out of the way: 1.) It’s from Cosmopolitan; 2.) most of the women quoted use fake (if colorful) names; and 3.) again, it’s from Cosmopolitan. That said, here’s what we learned:
- Business was booming: one escort who says she typically gets two inquiries a weekend got 15 requests in the pre-primary weekend.
- Their primary season clientele is a bit older than normal—”40s through mid-60s, compared with mostly twentysomething regulars” and “they’ve clearly done this before.”
- They seemed more nervous than other clients, because “the stakes are higher when you’re working for a possible future president” but “all practiced impeccable manners.”
- One escort “typically enjoy[s] the company of Democrats more, just because I feel like our views line up a lot more.”
No matter where you stand on mandating companies to include a backdoor in encryption technologies, it doesn’t make sense to allow that decision to be made on a state level. “The problem with state-level legislation of this nature is that it manages to be both wildly impractical and entirely unenforceable,” writes Brian Barrett at Wired. There is a solution to this problem. “California Congressman Ted Lieu has introduced the ‘Ensuring National Constitutional Rights for Your Private Telecommunications Act of 2016,’ which we’ll call ENCRYPT. It’s a short, straightforward bill with a simple aim: to preempt states from attempting to implement their own anti-encryption policies at a state level.”
Much has been made of David Brooks’s recent New York Times column, in which confesses to missing already the civility and humanity of Barack Obama, compared to who might take his place. In NewYorker.com, Jeffrey Frank reminds us how critical such attributes are to foreign policy. “It’s hard to imagine Kennedy so casually referring to the leader of Russia as a gangster or a thug. For that matter, it’s hard to imagine any president comparing the Russian leader to Hitler [as] Hillary Clinton did at a private fund-raiser. … Kennedy, who always worried that miscalculation could lead to war, paid close attention to the language of diplomacy.”
The New Covenant. The Third Way. The Democratic Leadership Council style. Call it what you will, but whatever centrist triangulation Bill Clinton embraced in 1992, Hillary Clinton wants no part of it in 2016. Writing for Bloomberg, Sasha Issenberg and Margaret Talev explore how Hillary’s campaign has “diverged pointedly” from what made Bill so successful: “For Hillary to survive, Clintonism had to die.” Bill’s positions in 1992—from capital punishment to free trade—“represented a carefully calibrated diversion from the liberal orthodoxy of the previous decade.” But in New Hampshire, Hillary “worked to juggle nostalgia for past Clinton primary campaigns in the state with the fact that the Bill of 1992 or the Hillary of 2008 would likely be a marginal figure within today’s Democratic politics.”
At first, “it was pleasant” to see Trevor Noah “smiling away and deeply dimpling in the Stewart seat, the seat that had lately grown gray hairs,” writes The Atlantic‘s James Parker in assessing the new host of the once-indispensable Daily Show. But where Jon Stewart was a heavyweight, Noah is “a very able lightweight, [who] needs time too. But he won’t get any. As a culture, we’re not about to nurture this talent, to give it room to grow. Our patience was exhausted long ago, by some other guy. We’re going to pass judgment and move on. There’s a reason Simon Cowell is so rich. Impress us today or get thee hence. So it comes to this: It’s now or never, Trevor.”