Political Connections

Republicans Are Ignoring The Lesson From The Midterms

Many in the GOP, led by the president, don't appear to appreciate how dire the results were for the party's future.

President Trump and Rodney Scott, the Border Patrol's San Diego sector chief, as Trump reviews border-wall prototypes in San Diego on March 13
AP Photo/Evan Vucci
Nov. 28, 2018, 8 p.m.

Just as he has before, President Trump may eventually retreat from his latest threat to shut down the federal government unless Congress provides him $5 billion for his border wall.

But Trump’s decision to rattle sabers this week over the wall—a proposal that about three-fifths of Americans have consistently opposed in polls—points toward a larger dynamic that appears guaranteed to shape his presidency through the 2020 election. Trump, the GOP congressional leadership, and most of the conservative-media infrastructure have made clear they see no need for a course correction after the midterms, even though Democrats won more than 53 percent of the total popular vote in House elections. That’s a larger share than Democrats have captured in any election since 1988.

Instead, the dominant reflex across the GOP this month has been to minimize the magnitude—and, equally important, the predictability—of the backlash against Trump that fueled Democratic gains in the House, state legislatures, and governor’s mansions. Republicans are steaming full speed ahead down the Trump track. That choice testifies to the diminished appetite among Republicans to confront Trump, even as many GOP strategists privately acknowledge the election offers powerful new evidence about the near- and long-term costs inherent in his path. “There’s still a fair amount of denial, and wishful thinking,” says longtime GOP strategist Bill Kristol, a leading Trump critic.

One reason for the muted response among Republicans was that their losses, especially in the House, were not fully apparent on election night. Much of the instant television analysis focused on the GOP’s success in expanding its Senate majority by ousting several Democratic incumbents in states that voted for Trump in 2016, or the narrow losses by the three young Democrats who captured the party’s imagination this year: African-American gubernatorial candidates Andrew Gillum in Florida and Stacey Abrams in Georgia, and Senate contender Beto O’Rourke in Texas. These results allowed an array of Republican commentators—including Trump himself in his postelection press conference—to quickly declare the results a vindication. “President Trump will win reelection,” gushed talk-show host and columnist Hugh Hewitt. “Anyone who watched Wednesday’s presser after Trump’s big night Tuesday knows in his or her bones that it will happen.”

Only a handful of conservative media voices—most prominently, The Wall Street Journal editorial page—raised alarms about the results. Even more telling, hardly any party leaders have reconsidered their blithe initial reactions, even as vote counting since Election Day has mapped the full magnitude of the Democratic surge in the House. Now, a few weeks out, the 2018 House results look like one of the most emphatic midterm repudiations of a modern president. With increasing indications on Wednesday that Democrats will win the last uncalled race, in California, the party is poised to gain 40 House seats, the most since 1974.

The House popular vote offered an even more forceful statement: Democrats now lead the total vote count by about 9.1 million, or just over 8 percentage points, according to tabulations by David Wasserman of The Cook Political Report. In raw votes, that’s the biggest margin ever for either party during a midterm election, according to calculations by NBC News.

As revealing as the magnitude of the Democratic gain was its composition. The actual results almost perfectly tracked what might be expected from a lab experiment to measure how voters would sort in response to Trump’s agenda, which openly aligns the GOP with hostility to demographic and cultural change. Blue-collar, older, evangelical, and rural whites continued to provide Republicans big margins almost everywhere, just as they did Trump in 2016, and that support keyed the defeats of Democratic senators in North Dakota, Indiana, and Missouri.

But both the exit poll conducted by Edison Research and election-result modeling from the Democratic targeting firm Catalist showed that Republicans faced widespread rejection and high turnout among minority voters; the largest deficit among young people in decades, losing not only two-thirds of voters ages 18 to 29 but almost three-fifths of those 30 to 44; and a sharp movement toward Democrats almost everywhere among college-educated white voters, especially women. Combined, these shifts swept away Republicans in affluent and often diverse suburban districts nationwide.

Few in either party dispute that Trump could squeeze enough votes out of that coalition to win a second term. But as a long-term proposition, this election made clear Trump is forcing the GOP to trade increased opposition among groups that are growing in society (minorities, millennials, and white-collar whites, especially in metropolitan areas) for enhanced support among groups that are shrinking (especially non-college-educated and rural whites.)

Since the election, Republicans have demonstrated how reluctant they are to openly grapple with the transformation Trump is imposing on their party. But with their silence, they are cementing it.

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