Chauncey Goss, who finished second to freshman Rep. Trey Radel, R-Fla., in a packed primary last year, said Wednesday he’s considering running for Congress again in 2014 — and that supporters have gotten in touch in the last day to discuss another campaign.
“I’m considering it,” Goss said in an interview. “I’m looking at it. This is all 12 hours old, so it wasn’t really on my radar. It now is. I’m certainly going to take a look at it.”
Radel pleaded guilty to cocaine possession in Washington on Wednesday and was sentenced to one year of probation. He apologized for his conduct in court and said that he wants to keep “serving this country,” according to The Washington Post.
The cocaine charge has been in the news for less than 24 hours, when Politico first reported the court filing against Radel.
Florida’s 19th Congressional District, which is heavily Republican, was left open in 2012 when then-Rep. Connie Mack decided to run for the Senate. Mack deflected speculation about a possible congressional comeback, The Miami Herald reported, saying in a statement that it’s “premature to respond to or consider political questions at this time.”
Radel won a six-way GOP primary last year with 30 percent of the vote, while Goss, the son of former House member and CIA Director Porter Goss, finished second with 21.5 percent. Goss said Wednesday he might have split support with two state House members who were also seeking the seat.
Goss, who has been running a consulting firm focused on federal fiscal policy, stressed that he would need to discuss a potential campaign with his family before committing to anything, and he said the fallout from Radel’s charges and guilty plea are still unclear. But Goss mentioned his work has reinforced his original desire to serve in Congress.
“I will say, the reason I ran is that the country’s in a bad financial situation,” Goss said. “I think I’ve got the skills to help with that. It’s certainly not in a better financial situation today, the parameters haven’t really changed there.”
- 1 Hillary Clinton Will Win the Nomination, But Then What?
- 2 Bernie Sanders Is a Loud, Stubborn Socialist. Republicans Like Him Anyway.
- 3 Why Gun Control Can’t Eliminate Gun Violence
- 4 Few Privacy Limitations Exist on How Police Use Drones
- 5 How Politics Breaks Our Brains, and How We Can Put Them Back Together
What We're Following See More »
Before we get to the specifics of this exposé about escorts working the Iowa and New Hampshire primary crowds, let’s get three things out of the way: 1.) It’s from Cosmopolitan; 2.) most of the women quoted use fake (if colorful) names; and 3.) again, it’s from Cosmopolitan. That said, here’s what we learned:
- Business was booming: one escort who says she typically gets two inquiries a weekend got 15 requests in the pre-primary weekend.
- Their primary season clientele is a bit older than normal—”40s through mid-60s, compared with mostly twentysomething regulars” and “they’ve clearly done this before.”
- They seemed more nervous than other clients, because “the stakes are higher when you’re working for a possible future president” but “all practiced impeccable manners.”
- One escort “typically enjoy[s] the company of Democrats more, just because I feel like our views line up a lot more.”
No matter where you stand on mandating companies to include a backdoor in encryption technologies, it doesn’t make sense to allow that decision to be made on a state level. “The problem with state-level legislation of this nature is that it manages to be both wildly impractical and entirely unenforceable,” writes Brian Barrett at Wired. There is a solution to this problem. “California Congressman Ted Lieu has introduced the ‘Ensuring National Constitutional Rights for Your Private Telecommunications Act of 2016,’ which we’ll call ENCRYPT. It’s a short, straightforward bill with a simple aim: to preempt states from attempting to implement their own anti-encryption policies at a state level.”
Much has been made of David Brooks’s recent New York Times column, in which confesses to missing already the civility and humanity of Barack Obama, compared to who might take his place. In NewYorker.com, Jeffrey Frank reminds us how critical such attributes are to foreign policy. “It’s hard to imagine Kennedy so casually referring to the leader of Russia as a gangster or a thug. For that matter, it’s hard to imagine any president comparing the Russian leader to Hitler [as] Hillary Clinton did at a private fund-raiser. … Kennedy, who always worried that miscalculation could lead to war, paid close attention to the language of diplomacy.”
The New Covenant. The Third Way. The Democratic Leadership Council style. Call it what you will, but whatever centrist triangulation Bill Clinton embraced in 1992, Hillary Clinton wants no part of it in 2016. Writing for Bloomberg, Sasha Issenberg and Margaret Talev explore how Hillary’s campaign has “diverged pointedly” from what made Bill so successful: “For Hillary to survive, Clintonism had to die.” Bill’s positions in 1992—from capital punishment to free trade—“represented a carefully calibrated diversion from the liberal orthodoxy of the previous decade.” But in New Hampshire, Hillary “worked to juggle nostalgia for past Clinton primary campaigns in the state with the fact that the Bill of 1992 or the Hillary of 2008 would likely be a marginal figure within today’s Democratic politics.”
At first, “it was pleasant” to see Trevor Noah “smiling away and deeply dimpling in the Stewart seat, the seat that had lately grown gray hairs,” writes The Atlantic‘s James Parker in assessing the new host of the once-indispensable Daily Show. But where Jon Stewart was a heavyweight, Noah is “a very able lightweight, [who] needs time too. But he won’t get any. As a culture, we’re not about to nurture this talent, to give it room to grow. Our patience was exhausted long ago, by some other guy. We’re going to pass judgment and move on. There’s a reason Simon Cowell is so rich. Impress us today or get thee hence. So it comes to this: It’s now or never, Trevor.”