Ex-Clark Co. GOP chair Jim Uster “proved he’s still capable of delivering a political message.” Uster “came to the defense of state Sen. Bill Raggio (R), who is being criticized” by ex-Assemb. Sharron Angle’s (R) camp following his endorsement of Senate Maj. Leader Harry Reid (D).
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Uster, in a news release: “As the former Chairman of the Clark County Republican Party, I experienced firsthand Senator Bill Raggio’s dedication to the commonsense values and principles that represent mainstream Nevadans. However, Sharron Angle’s unmitigated attack on his character and track record was a clear indication that she is too far outside mainstream — so much so that she would be unable to represent Nevada effectively in the US Congress. As Nevada voters continue to learn about Sharron Angle’s extreme views, they will see that Senator Raggio is ultimately right about Angle’s dangerous agenda and vote for Senator Harry Reid.”
“It would be smart for Angle’s allies to leave the Raggio issue alone. Despite what conservative acolytes are saying, Raggio’s political credibility is hard to match” in NV (Smith, Las Vegas Review-Journal, 10/8).
Dearborn Mayor Jack O’Reilly responded to Angle’s comments that “militant terrorist situation” has allowed Islamic religious law to take hold in some American cities, including Dearborn.
O’Reilly: “She doesn’t know what she’s talking about. …the U.S. Constitution is the greatest protection against Sharia law and any government-controlled religion. … I’m going to send her a letter and invite her to take a tour of Dearborn. I think she would be amazed” (Oosting, MLive.com, 10/9).
“In a dramatic shift,” Angle said on 10/9 “she wouldn’t work to privatize Veterans Affairs, dismantle Social Security or dismiss unemployment benefits as welfare. Angle addressed some, but not all, of the many political attacks against her in an interview with a conservative radio show host before a crowd of supporters in Las Vegas. During the wide-ranging chat, Angle distanced herself from her previous comments on government benefits.”
Angle “denied she had called for the end of the VA.”
In another “slight change” on 10/9, Angle said of unemployment: “We pay into it, so in some respects, it is an insurance policy that we bought into with our paychecks.” She described it previously as a “system of entitlement” (Silva, AP, 10/9).
Dem strategist, on recent polls showing Angle surging: “Reid’s people are really antsy. … That’s why their external message has been to try really, really hard to discredit these polls. Angle is building a lot of momentum, and they don’t know how to stop it. This is exactly what happened during the primary.”
Reid adviser Sig Rogich: “The momentum is with us in this race. … That’s according to reliable data that I’ve heard about. If you look at the structure of those other polls, I think you’ll find the numbers are skewed.”
GOP consultant Robert Uithoven: “She’s endured three months of being defined by the Harry Reid campaign before she was able to do a really significant media buy. … He had essentially all of June, July and August to define her and create some real separation, and he wasn’t able to do it. She’s still within the margin of error, and if that’s the case going into Election Day, that benefits the Republican this year.”
Reid spokesperson Jon Summers: “The reality is, our internal polls have Sen. Reid up by a few points” (Ball, Politico, 10/8).
Sun For Reid
Las Vegas Sun endorsed Reid (10/10).
The Supreme Court’s oral arguments on health care last week offered a nightmare preview of what could await Washington after the 2012 election: a political system that is closely, deeply, and even bitterly divided.
In the Court’s questioning on President Obama’s health care law, the ideological chasm could not have been greater between the five Republican-appointed justices and the four selected by Democrats. And the division of power between them could not have been more tenuous.
That’s not an unreasonable expectation for the alignment that the next election may produce on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. The most reliable prediction about November may be that it leaves power in Washington more precariously balanced between the parties than it is today. Although Republicans are favored to maintain control of the House, few would be surprised if their majority recedes after the high tide of 2010. The next Senate could be split almost exactly in half, with the majority party probably holding fewer seats than the Democrats’ 53 today. And, although it’s conceivable that a recovering economy could allow President Obama to equal his first victory, it’s more likely that whoever wins the presidency will capture less than his 365 Electoral College votes and 52.8 percent of the popular vote from 2008.
In all, the most predictable message of 2012 is likely to be that after a surge toward the Republicans following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, a tide of disillusionment with President Bush that lifted the Democrats in 2006 and 2008, and a sharp snap back toward the GOP in 2010, America has reverted to being a 50-50 nation. Which is, of course, exactly where we started this century after the 2000 presidential campaign that produced the closest thing to an electoral tie since 1880.
But although 2012 will likely show the parties again converging in strength, all evidence suggests that they are diverging even more in philosophy and agenda. In 2000, after all, Bush ran as a “compassionate conservative” who would govern as “a uniter, not a divider.” That proved more of a slogan than a compass. But this year, the two parties barely even gesture toward the aspiration of reconciliation.
Mitt Romney, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee after this week’s primary sweep, is offering the most ambitious conservative agenda proposed by any GOP standard-bearer since Ronald Reagan in 1980, if not Barry Goldwater in 1964. From cutting more taxes to converting Medicare into a premium-support system and Medicaid into a block grant, he has formulated a blueprint with virtually no appeal to Democrats. It’s also an agenda scaled to a landslide mandate that Romney has almost no chance of winning in a country this closely divided.
So far, Obama’s second-term policy plans are more modest. But, in tone, he is taking an approach that’s every bit as pugilistic. Unlike President Clinton, who launched his 1996 reelection campaign by declaring, “The era of Big Government is over,” Obama turned toward November this week by denouncing both the Court’s threat to his health care law and the House Republicans’ budget drafted by Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin. The vast gulf between Obama’s fiscal priorities and the GOP’s (centered on whether to extend or even expand Bush’s tax cuts for the wealthiest) ensures intense conflict for as long as this president remains in office, even if, ultimately, he would likely pursue a bipartisan budget deal in a second term, as he did in last summer’s debt-ceiling standoff.
The coming Supreme Court decision on health care could escalate this confrontation like a grenade rolled into a bar fight. Substantively, the case represents the most important constitutional challenge to the federal government’s power since the epic decisions when a conservative Court invalidated key pillars of President Roosevelt’s New Deal in 1935 and 1936, notes New York Law School professor James Simon, author of a recent history of that period, FDR and Chief Justice Hughes. Politically, the prospect of five Republican-appointed justices outvoting their four Democratic-appointed colleagues to overturn a health care law that represents the Democratic Party’s most significant legislative achievement in 45 years promises a firestorm.
The New Deal-era confrontation de-escalated quickly when Congress rejected FDR’s Court-packing scheme in 1937 and Chief Justice Charles Hughes (perhaps in tactical retreat) steered the Court majority toward an interpretation of the Constitution’s commerce clause that upheld Roosevelt’s major initiatives. It is those rulings that today’s five-member conservative Court majority could retrench in the health care decision. In the process, the justices could reopen not only the argument about health care but also decades of legal assumptions about what Washington can and cannot do.
The safe forecast through the election and beyond is heightened ideological confrontation in both Congress and the courts over Washington’s reach. The alternative would be for each party to recognize that it lacks the electoral support to impose its agenda on the other — and instead to seek compromises that reflect the nation’s diversity of opinion. Judging by last week’s questioning, the Court seems less likely to point Washington toward that conciliatory path than toward a far more contentious one.
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The Department of Justice "is dropping a discrimination claim against a Texas law that required voters to present identification at the polls." The case will continue to carry on with private groups who filed the lawsuit. The DOJ dropped the claim because Texas is planning to "cure the deficiencies" with the law, according to a draft copy of the dismissal motion the DOJ sent to the Campaign Legal Center. Texas Governor Jim Abbott tweeted a picture of a headline sharing the information with a caption saying "It's a new day in D.C."