Ex-NY Comp. Alan Hevesi (D) told a judge 10/7 “how he took part in a sprawling corruption scheme” involving NY’s $125B pension fund “while serving as its sole trustee.” Hevesi: “I deeply regret my conduct and I sincerely and deeply apologize to the people of the state of New York, to the court, to my family.” He pleaded guilty “to a single felony count.”
“Still, it was unclear whether Mr. Hevesi will face any jail time.” Hevesi also admitted “for the first time” 10/7 “he had known that his longtime political consultant, Hank Morris, set himself up as a middleman between investment firms and the pension fund.” State officials alleged the arrangement “netted” Morris “millions of dollars and allowed him to grant a variety of favors” to Hevesi’s allies (Hakim/Rashbaum, New York Times, 10/7).
A Moot Point
Two-time-AK Gov./ex-Interior Sec. Walter Hickel (R) “was investigated by federal authorities for fraud” for having a Nat’l Guard “plane ferry personal belongings” to AK from DC, after Richard Nixon fired him as Interior Sec. in ‘70. “Nothing came of the investigation, which was disclosed within 362 pages of documents released this week” by the FBI under a Freedom of Information request (Bohrer, AP, 10/7).
The pace of the exceedingly fragile economic recovery over the 204 days between now and the Nov. 6 election is a lot more important than anything that either President Obama or Mitt Romney says over the course of the campaign. How fast the economy grows — measured by change in gross domestic product, in the unemployment rate, and in real personal disposable income, as well as in oil and gasoline prices — will be far more influential than rhetoric in determining whether voters renew Obama’s contract for another four years.
If the economy grows, the jobless rate declines, real incomes increase, and gasoline prices drop, Obama’s economic policy would be validated. It would also heal some of the scar tissue of his first two years, when his approval numbers plummeted among independent voters and Democrats were ejected from their House majority. Conversely, if economic growth remains sluggish, the jobless rate stays about the same, voters’ personal finances don’t improve, and gas prices stay high, Obama’s situation would look considerably dimmer.
The struggles would reinforce lingering doubts from 2009 and 2010, when voters saw the president and the Democratic Congress as being more focused on health care reform than on a dramatically worsening economy. His reelection hopes would diminish.
To a certain extent, the level of the downward drag on the economy for the next six-plus months is beyond the control of mere mortals. Europe, which contributes 21 percent of global economic growth, is in a recession; the sovereign debt crisis in Southern Europe — with Spain and Portugal increasingly replacing Greece in the headlines — is a threat to world financial markets. China’s economy also has increasing difficulties, and economists debate over whether it is headed for a soft landing (slowing down, flattening, but avoiding a recession) or a hard landing (more violent, rougher, and possibly heading into a recession). Why do these events from around the world matter to us, beyond the spillover effect? If worldwide financial institutions become weakened, U.S. exports drop. This decline then hurts our domestic economy. Incredibly low natural-gas prices in the United States give many sectors of the nation’s manufacturing economy a boost. But if fertilizer, chemicals, and other goods can’t be sold abroad, that advantage evaporates.
Another element may further damage the economy as well: We are already starting to hear the drumbeat of concern among business leaders and the financial markets over the coming fiscal cliff. The concern is that Congress and Obama will not resolve the issue of the expiration of the Bush tax cuts (which expire on Dec. 31) and that they will not be able to reduce the size of the deficit by Jan. 2, forcing the budget sequestration process to kick in. Sequestration basically would make dramatic across-the-board spending cuts to the federal budget, exempting only Social Security and Medicare.
I heard one of the smartest guys on Wall Street this week say that the president and Congress will have about 29 working days for Congress to deal with the expiration of the Bush tax cuts and budget sequestration, which if allowed to run their courses, would equate to a 3.5 percent drop in GDP.
Some budget hawks might say that the end of the Bush tax cuts and the start of sequestration would be good developments. Eliminating the tax cuts would pull in an enormous amount of new revenue, and forced spending cuts would dramatically decrease federal spending. But economists warn that these two simultaneous hits on a very fragile economy could well trigger a double-dip recession. Add into that equation that the federal debt limit will likely be reached late this year or early next year, and you have the fiscal cliff that we are headed toward, if Obama and Congress don’t act to avoid it.
Corporate executives and the financial markets might begin to get spooked by the possibility of the U.S. economy going off a cliff for a second time in five years. They might begin scaling back spending plans, slowing down rehiring, selling stocks and bonds, and taking other defensive measures to protect their companies, institutions, and portfolios in case of a fiscal disaster. Those actions themselves would slow down economic growth.
Economic decision-makers will be watching Washington increasingly closely over the next six months. They will look for signs as to whether policymakers can deal with the issues of raising the debt limit, extending some or all of the tax cuts, and achieving sufficient deficit reduction to avoid sequestration.
Evidence of continued hyper-partisanship will result in anxious business leaders taking prophylactic measures to protect against a sharp downturn. Evidence of cooperation and compromise will make them more likely to hire, invest, and expand.
Words and actions in Washington always matter. But in an economy this fragile, they matter even more than usual.
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"Christopher Steele, the former British intelligence officer who wrote the explosive dossier alleging ties between Donald Trump and Russia," says in a new book by The Guardian's Luke Harding that "Trump's land and hotel deals with Russians needed to be examined. ... Steele did not go into further detail, Harding said, but seemed to be referring to a 2008 home sale to the Russian oligarch Dmitry Rybolovlev. Richard Dearlove, who headed the UK foreign-intelligence unit MI6 between 1999 and 2004, said in April that Trump borrowed money from Russia for his business during the 2008 financial crisis."
"The British publicist who helped set up the fateful meeting between Donald Trump Jr. and a group of Russians at Trump Tower in June 2016 is ready to meet with Special Prosecutor Robert Mueller's office, according to several people familiar with the matter. Rob Goldstone has been living in Bangkok, Thailand, but has been communicating with Mueller's office through his lawyer, said a source close to Goldstone."
"Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak said on Wednesday that it would take him more than 20 minutes to name all of the Trump officials he's met with or spoken to on the phone. ... Kislyak made the remarks in a sprawling interview with Russia-1, a popular state-owned Russian television channel."