What Young Feminists Think of Hillary Clinton

It’s not quite what you’d expect.

This illustration can only be used with the Molly Mirhashem piece that originally ran in the 5/16/2015 issue of National Journal magazine.
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Molly Mirhashem
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Molly Mirhashem
May 15, 2015, 1:01 a.m.

Al­ex­an­dra Svokos was six years old, grow­ing up in Frank­lin Lakes, New Jer­sey, when she be­came a Hil­lary Clin­ton fan. It was 1998, and Clin­ton had pub­lished Dear Socks, Dear Buddy, a col­lec­tion of chil­dren’s let­ters ad­dressed to the first fam­ily’s pets. Svokos be­came so ob­sessed with the book, she re­calls, that she wrote her own let­ter—not to Socks the cat or Buddy the Lab­rador, but to Clin­ton her­self. When she got a reply on of­fi­cial White House sta­tion­ery with the first lady’s sig­na­ture, Svokos was thrilled.

Clin­ton was an early fem­in­ist icon for many wo­men of Svokos’s gen­er­a­tion—long be­fore they even began to think of them­selves as fem­in­ists. Svokos, who’s now 23 and a fel­low at The Huff­ing­ton Post, grew up with par­ents who called them­selves fem­in­ists and prac­ticed gender equal­ity in the house, bal­an­cing house­hold re­spons­ib­il­it­ies and en­cour­aging Svokos and her two sis­ters to “fight for what we de­served.” Mostly, she says, fem­in­ism meant “girl power” to her—and that meant, in turn, root­ing for Clin­ton when she made her first run for the pres­id­ency in 2008. Svokos was in high school then, and her ideas about fem­in­ism were still pretty simple; she ad­mired Clin­ton “be­cause she was a wo­man, rather than know­ing much about what she stood for.”

Eight years later, Svokos’s no­tion of fem­in­ism has evolved—and the pro­spect of Hil­lary Clin­ton be­com­ing pres­id­ent no longer fills her with un­bridled ex­cite­ment. Svokos says her ideas about fem­in­ism began to change when she stud­ied eco­nom­ics at Columbia Uni­versity, be­gin­ning in 2010. As she learned about eco­nom­ic in­equal­ity in the United States and around the world, she says, she began to see how gender, race, and class were in­ter­twined—how, for in­stance, ex­pand­ing ac­cess to birth con­trol can stim­u­late an eco­nomy by en­abling wo­men to pur­sue their own ca­reers.

Fem­in­ism came to mean something very dif­fer­ent from girl power. And Hil­lary Clin­ton came to look like the sym­bol of an older gen­er­a­tion of wo­men more con­cerned with fe­male em­power­ment—in par­tic­u­lar, with white, middle-class, Amer­ic­an fe­male em­power­ment—than with broad­er is­sues of so­cial and eco­nom­ic justice. Svokos says she’ll vote for Clin­ton in 2016, but she’s not ex­pect­ing her to make so­cial justice and in­equal­ity true pri­or­it­ies if she makes it to the White House. “I find her lack­ing, in that I real­ize she’s not likely to push for the kind of change I’d like to see,” Svokos says. “At the same time, though, I be­lieve she knows how to man­age polit­ics and will be more than cap­able in the po­s­i­tion.”

(RE­LATED: The Rise of Hil­lary Clin­ton)

Among fem­in­ists of her gen­er­a­tion, Svokos is hardly alone in her luke­warm feel­ings about Hil­lary Clin­ton’s pres­id­en­tial bid. I re­cently in­ter­viewed 47 young wo­men, most in their early to mid-20s, who call them­selves fem­in­ists; they talked about what fem­in­ism means to them and shared their thoughts about Clin­ton’s can­did­acy and pub­lic im­age. While the over­whelm­ing ma­jor­ity of these wo­men said they would likely vote for her in 2016, only about a quarter of them were en­thu­si­ast­ic or em­phat­ic in their sup­port. Jen­nifer Schaf­fer, a 22-year-old week­end ed­it­or at Vice, summed up a com­mon sen­ti­ment among these wo­men: “I’m glad we have a fe­male pres­id­en­tial can­did­ate,” she told me, “but it’s in­cred­ibly dif­fi­cult to get ex­cited about something that should have happened dec­ades ago.” A vote for Clin­ton, many said, would be a vote by de­fault, be­cause no oth­er vi­able pro­gress­ive al­tern­at­ives—fe­male or male—are in the off­ing.

While it’s not ex­actly news that Clin­ton is a less-than-ideal can­did­ate for many on the Left, the cri­tique of her from those on the van­guard of con­tem­por­ary fem­in­ism is more sur­pris­ing—and po­ten­tially prob­lem­at­ic for her pres­id­en­tial ef­fort. To win in 2016, Clin­ton doesn’t just need half-hearted sup­port from young wo­men; she needs them to be a base of her grass­roots ef­forts, as fired up as young people were for Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012. But even as more and more young wo­men are em­bra­cing the “fem­in­ist” la­bel—with pop-cul­ture icons like Bey­on­cé mak­ing it cent­ral to their pub­lic per­so­nas—the fem­in­ism that Clin­ton rep­res­ents seems in­creas­ingly out­moded. While her cam­paign banks on young fem­in­ists like Svokos and Schaf­fer be­ing “Ready for Hil­lary,” these wo­men say they’re ready for more.

Former Sec­ret­ary of State Hil­lary Clin­ton speaks to U.S. Em­bassy em­ploy­ees in Athens, Greece, on Ju­ly 18, 2011. (Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Im­ages)

HIL­LARY CLIN­TON came of age dur­ing the peak years of second-wave fem­in­ism. The first wave began in the mid-1800s, with wo­men’s suf­frage as the goal; the second stretched from the 1960s to the early 1980s, and fo­cused on re­pro­duct­ive and work­place rights. Writer and act­iv­ist Betty Friedan is usu­ally cred­ited with cata­lyz­ing the second wave with The Fem­in­ine Mys­tique. Pub­lished in 1963, the land­mark book called for wo­men’s lib­er­a­tion from house­work, with Friedan fam­ously writ­ing: “We can no longer ig­nore that voice with­in wo­men that says: ‘I want something more than my hus­band and my chil­dren and my house.‘“Š”

(RE­LATED: Why Hil­lary Clin­ton Doesn’t Need Amer­ic­ans to Trust Her)

As the fem­in­ism of Friedan and second-wave stal­warts like Glor­ia Steinem moved in­to the main­stream, some began to cri­ti­cize it as a move­ment tailored to white wo­men of means. Who, they asked, would clean the homes and care for the chil­dren of Friedan’s lib­er­ated middle-class house­wives? Where was their lib­er­a­tion? Such ques­tions fed in­to a lar­ger cri­tique of second-wave fem­in­ism: that it saw white Amer­ic­an wo­men’s con­cerns as rep­res­ent­ing those of all wo­men.

In 1989, a term emerged for a fem­in­ist philo­sophy that would in­clude wo­men of col­or and oth­er mar­gin­al­ized groups: “in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity.” To the un­ini­ti­ated, the word might sound like un­wieldy aca­dem­ic jar­gon. But without my bring­ing it up, many of the wo­men I spoke to said in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity was the found­a­tion of their fem­in­ism—and of their skep­ti­cism about Clin­ton. First coined by leg­al schol­ar and pro­fess­or Kim­ber­lé Cren­shaw, the word refers to the con­nec­tions (the “in­ter­sec­tions”) between dif­fer­ent sys­tems of op­pres­sion—not just sex­ism, but also ra­cism, ho­mo­pho­bia, trans­pho­bia, and classism. It’s a re­cog­ni­tion that a black wo­man, for in­stance, is not af­fected in­de­pend­ently by ra­cism and sex­ism—those forms of dis­crim­in­a­tion are in­ex­tric­ably linked, which makes her ex­per­i­ence sex­ism dif­fer­ently from a white wo­man and ra­cism dif­fer­ently from a black man.

(RE­LATED: NPR’s Michel Mar­tin on Bal­an­cing Work and Fam­ily As a Wo­man of Col­or

The concept it­self was far from new; it stretched as far back, at least, as So­journ­er Truth’s fam­ous “Ain’t I a Wo­man?” speech in 1851, in which she high­lighted the dra­mat­ic dif­fer­ences between the ways black and white wo­men ex­per­i­ence sex­ism. “That man over there says that wo­men need to be helped in­to car­riages and lif­ted over ditches, and to have the best place every­where,” Truth said. “Nobody ever helps me in­to car­riages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain’t I a wo­man?”

“I think it’s prob­lem­at­ic to as­sume that just be­cause she’s a wo­man, she’s the best spokes­per­son for all wo­men.”

Now the idea had a name. But in the 1990s, as in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity was gain­ing pop­ular­ity in aca­dem­ic circles, Hil­lary Clin­ton was bring­ing her own, more tra­di­tion­al brand of fem­in­ism to her role as first lady. Her do­mest­ic ini­ti­at­ives in­cluded ad­op­tion, foster care, and child care. In 1995, Clin­ton gave her fam­ous Beijing speech to the United Na­tions’ Fourth World Con­fer­ence on Wo­men, de­clar­ing that “wo­men’s rights are hu­man rights.” She helped to form the Justice De­part­ment’s Vi­ol­ence Against Wo­men Of­fice and partnered with then”“Sec­ret­ary of State Madeleine Al­bright to found the Vi­tal Voices Demo­cracy Ini­ti­at­ive, a series of con­fer­ences de­voted to pro­mot­ing fe­male lead­ers and in­volving wo­men around the globe in polit­ics.

In the early and mid-2000s, after she left the White House and took up res­id­ence in the U.S. Sen­ate, Clin­ton largely shif­ted away from a wo­men-centered agenda as she worked to bol­ster her pres­id­en­tial résumé. At the same time, young blog­gers like Lauren Bruce (Fem­in­iste) and Jes­sica Valenti (Fem­in­ist­ing) were bring­ing fem­in­ist the­ory out of the Ivory Tower. “Each month seemed to bring a new site with fem­in­ist con­tent,” Re­becca Tra­ister writes in her 2010 book, Big Girls Don’t Cry. “At vari­ous points there were about six sites call­ing them­selves The F-Word.”

So­cial me­dia changed the land­scape of fem­in­ism. Young wo­men who might not learn about fem­in­ism in their schools or com­munit­ies could find primers on Tumblr blogs with names like in­ter­sec­tion­al fem­in­ism 101. Their fem­in­ist awaken­ings thus in­volved, from the start, de­bates about second-wave fem­in­ism’s per­ceived fail­ures of in­clus­iv­ity. “Any­one who entered the fem­in­ist con­ver­sa­tion in the In­ter­net age has im­me­di­ate ac­cess to not only re­search about those fail­ures, but also to a lot of the con­ver­sa­tions about them,” says fem­in­ist or­gan­izer and writer Shelby Knox, who’s 28. “The bar­ri­ers are a lot lower for par­ti­cip­a­tion in the move­ment.”

(RE­LATED: Celebrit­ies Who Have Already En­dorsed Hil­lary Clin­ton for Pres­id­ent)

Young wo­men could now do more than read about fem­in­ist is­sues and dis­cuss them in class; they could find com­munit­ies of wo­men on Twit­ter or Tumblr whose ex­per­i­ences they could re­late to—or who could open up new vis­tas for them on what oth­er wo­men’s lives are like. They could par­ti­cip­ate in the cre­ation of a new fem­in­ism—one that would be a far cry from Friedan’s. By 2011, the writer Flavia Dzodan was fam­ously de­clar­ing on her blog: “My fem­in­ism will be in­ter­sec­tion­al or it will be bull­shit.” Her words be­came a ral­ly­ing cry.

As young wo­men’s no­tions of fem­in­ism evolved and broadened, so did their idea of what con­sti­tutes “wo­men’s is­sues” in the polit­ic­al arena. “If you’re tak­ing in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity as the found­a­tion of this kind of fem­in­ism, you wouldn’t just be con­cerned with how any par­tic­u­lar policy is­sue is af­fect­ing wo­men,” says Gwen­dolyn Beetham, dir­ect­or of the Glob­al Vil­lage at Dou­glass Res­id­en­tial Col­lege, the wo­men’s res­id­en­tial col­lege af­fil­i­ated with Rut­gers Uni­versity. “But you would be ask­ing, ‘Which wo­men, and how?’ And you would be ask­ing this wheth­er or not you are a mem­ber of one of those groups.”

To young wo­men like Sylvie Ed­man, a 20-year-old stu­dent at the Uni­versity of Mas­sachu­setts, Am­h­erst, Clin­ton em­bod­ies “cor­por­ate fem­in­ism,” which Ed­man defines con­cisely: “It’s em­power­ing wo­men who are already power­ful.” Clin­ton and Sheryl Sand­berg, the Face­book COO and au­thor of Lean In, are of­ten name-dropped in this con­text; while they ex­per­i­ence sex­ism, the think­ing goes, they’ve been able to dare greatly be­cause of their race and class—while be­ing helped along the way by work­ing-class wo­men and wo­men of col­or who didn’t have the same op­por­tun­it­ies.

Some of the con­cerns raised by the wo­men I spoke to about Clin­ton were tra­di­tion­al “wo­men’s is­sues” like re­pro­duct­ive justice and equal pay. But just as many brought up po­lice bru­tal­ity, crim­in­al-justice re­form, and en­vir­on­ment­al is­sues as primary con­cerns—and as in­teg­ral to what they mean by “fem­in­ism.” Some of the most com­monly ex­pressed cri­tiques of Clin­ton echoed those of many left-of-cen­ter Amer­ic­ans: She’s “hawk­ish” on for­eign af­fairs, “part of a polit­ic­al dyn­asty,” and simply “not very pro­gress­ive.” Col­li­er Mey­er­son, who writes for the web­site Fu­sion, told me that her ideal can­did­ate “wouldn’t be part of a leg­acy, and wouldn’t be a ca­reer politi­cian.” A can­did­ate more like Barack Obama—”some­body who is rooted more in com­munity-or­gan­iz­ing”—would fit the bill bet­ter, Mey­er­son says.

(RE­LATED: A Uni­fied The­ory of Hil­lary Clin­ton)

Aye­sha Sid­diqi, the 24-year-old ed­it­or-in-chief of the on­line magazine The New In­quiry, says that this range of con­cerns should be no sur­prise. “Fem­in­ist is­sues,” she says, “are no more com­plic­ated than the is­sues of people’s lives.” But that philo­sophy makes young wo­men’s views of Clin­ton—and her cam­paign’s ef­forts to gal­van­ize them be­hind her—very com­plic­ated in­deed.

At April’s Wo­men in the World sum­mit, Clin­ton talked about in­equit­ies in what wo­men are paid, tak­ing care to note the “even wider gaps for wo­men of col­or.” Will such rhet­or­ic speak to young fem­in­ists’ con­cerns that she’s a clas­sic “cor­por­ate fem­in­ist”? (An­drew Bur­ton/Getty Im­ages)

AT THE AN­NU­AL Wo­men in the World Sum­mit in New York this April, Sam Viqueira stuck out from the crowd. The sum­mit, a high-powered gath­er­ing of lead­ers and act­iv­ists launched by former New York­er and Daily Beast ed­it­or Tina Brown in 2010, this year fea­tured a key­note ad­dress by Hil­lary Clin­ton. Most of the wo­men in at­tend­ance looked like Clin­ton’s crowd, her gen­er­a­tion: Dressed busi­ness cas­u­al, the mostly middle-aged wo­men flocked to the free cof­fee and Luna bars on of­fer, chat­ted in small groups, and snapped selfies in front of a Dove-sponsored back­drop. The 17-year-old Viqueira and her high school friend stood off to the side in a small lounge, look­ing like they were dressed for a reg­u­lar day of school. They’d taken the train in from Maple­wood, New Jer­sey. “To me, fem­in­ism isn’t only about want­ing equal­ity for all genders,” Viqueira told me later, “but want­ing and ad­voc­at­ing for the equal­ity of all op­pressed groups, which can and do in­ter­sect.”

In some re­spects, Viqueira ex­em­pli­fies the rising gen­er­a­tion of fem­in­ists—and their con­flic­ted feel­ings about Clin­ton. She grew up with three sis­ters and par­ents who were big on wo­men’s em­power­ment, en­cour­aging the girls to play sports and study math and sci­ence. But she cred­its so­cial me­dia with teach­ing her about the in­ter­sec­tion of race and gender, and the is­sues wo­men face out­side of the United States; she first read the term “in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity” on­line when she was just 15 and now fol­lows a lot of young wo­men on Twit­ter who help broaden her per­spect­ive.

This spring, she’s tak­ing the first gender-stud­ies class ever offered at her pub­lic high school. Next fall, Viqueira will be old enough to cast her first vote. That has led her, like so many oth­er young fem­in­ists, to think long and hard about what Clin­ton would—and wouldn’t—rep­res­ent as the first wo­man pres­id­ent. “It’s nice to see a strong fe­male can­did­ate run­ning for pres­id­ent,” Viqueira says, but she can’t help wish­ing it were a wo­man with a dif­fer­ent track re­cord. She’s par­tic­u­larly troubled by Clin­ton’s sup­port of the 1996 wel­fare-re­form bill her hus­band signed and of the Clin­ton-era crime-fight­ing le­gis­la­tion that, among oth­er things, lengthened pris­on sen­tences for drug of­fenses. At best, she says, Clin­ton has been in­con­sist­ent on so­cial-justice is­sues; at worst, she has been a hy­po­crite.

While Viqueira is hes­it­ant to say she’ll vote for Clin­ton, she ac­know­ledges that the lim­ited op­tions for pro­gress­ive-minded voters will prob­ably push her in that dir­ec­tion. But it both­ers her to see Clin­ton held up as a mod­el fem­in­ist: “I think it’s prob­lem­at­ic to as­sume that just be­cause she’s a wo­man, she’s the best spokes­per­son for all wo­men.”

While her deep résumé im­presses many young wo­men, Clin­ton has to grapple with past policies that are ana­thema to oth­ers. (Lu­is Acosta/AFP/Getty­Im­ages)

Clin­ton’s first pres­id­en­tial cam­paign re­lied heav­ily on that as­sump­tion. An in­tern­al cam­paign memo from March 2007, writ­ten by the cam­paign’s chief strategist and poll­ster, Mark Penn, and pub­lished in The At­lantic the fol­low­ing year, ad­vised Clin­ton thusly:

1) Start with a base of wo­men.a. For these wo­men, you rep­res­ent a break­ing of bar­ri­ers.b. The win­now­ing out of the most com­pet­ent and qual­i­fied in an un­fair, male-dom­in­ated world.c. The in­fu­sion of a wo­man and a moth­er’s sens­ib­il­it­ies in­to a world of war and neg­lect.

2) Add on a base of lower- and middle-class voters.a. You see them; you care about them.b. You were one of them, it is your  his­tory.c. You are all about their con­cerns (health care, edu­ca­tion, en­ergy, child care, col­lege, etc.).

For young fem­in­ists, Penn’s memo, and Clin­ton’s cam­paign, rep­res­en­ted the an­ti­thes­is of in­ter­sec­tion­al think­ing. The prob­lem isn’t merely the as­sump­tion that wo­men would be Clin­ton’s primary base be­cause of their gender alone; it’s also the fact that lower- and middle-class voters are item­ized as a sep­ar­ate group, with a dif­fer­ent (and far more spe­cif­ic) set of con­cerns from those of “wo­men.” “With strategies like this,” Tra­ister writes, “it was not un­just to sug­gest that one ser­i­ous prob­lem with the Clin­ton cam­paign lead­er­ship was that it did not think much of the wo­men with whom it was sup­posed to be mak­ing his­tory.” Tra­ister notes that “Penn as­sured Hil­lary that in­tern­al polling showed that 94% of young wo­men would auto­mat­ic­ally vote for the first fe­male pres­id­ent. It was per­haps this con­fid­ence that led him to shrug off con­cerns about reach­ing them.” In the end, ac­cord­ing to a CBS News poll, Penn’s ini­tial es­tim­ates were way off: 53 per­cent of young wo­men backed Obama over Clin­ton.

While these young wo­men, ral­ly­ing for Clin­ton in New York in April, are “Ready for Hil­lary,” oth­ers say they’re ready for more. (Spen­cer Platt/Getty Im­ages)

Far from a high-wa­ter mark for fem­in­ism, Sid­diqi, The New In­quiry ed­it­or, sees Clin­ton’s pres­id­en­tial cam­paigns as “the nadir of the ‘Lean In’ fem­in­ism mo­ment. This is what you get when that’s what your fem­in­ism looks like,” she says. “You don’t get a vic­tory that all wo­men can cel­eb­rate.”

OF COURSE, plenty of young wo­men will be cel­eb­rat­ing next Novem­ber if Hil­lary Clin­ton wins the pres­id­ency—in­clud­ing some who see them­selves rooted in “in­ter­sec­tion­al­ity.” Gab­ri­el Clarke, a 20-year-old mu­si­cian and stu­dent at Oak­wood Uni­versity in Alabama, says she had a wake-up mo­ment dur­ing protests over the shoot­ing of Mi­chael Brown last sum­mer in Fer­guson, Mis­souri. “A young wo­man grabbed the mi­cro­phone and said, ‘I am a wo­man, but be­fore I am a wo­man, I am black.’ And I was think­ing, that’s not how we have to look at these things. That’s not how we have to be. We have to un­der­stand that we are both of those things sim­ul­tan­eously.”

Wo­men of col­or like her­self have long been “on the back burn­er in the move­ment,” Clarke says. It’s a wel­come change that “people are start­ing to see that you can’t have a so­cial move­ment about equal­ity and leave out every­one else who’s not a white wo­man.” But in­ter­sec­tion­al think­ing hasn’t dimmed her pas­sion for elect­ing Clin­ton. The first time Clin­ton ran, Clarke was just 13. She had a hard time tak­ing the can­did­ate ser­i­ously, she says, be­cause of the me­dia’s re­lent­less fo­cus on her hair, clothes, and man­ner of speak­ing. But the sum­mer be­fore Clarke went off to col­lege in 2013, her im­pres­sion was changed by watch­ing the doc­u­ment­ary Miss Rep­res­ent­a­tion, which shines a crit­ic­al light on the way wo­men lead­ers are por­trayed by the me­dia. “It really opened my eyes and made me see Hil­lary in a totally dif­fer­ent way,” Clarke says. “They talked more about her pant­suits than her policies!”

Like most of the one-quarter of these young wo­men who told me they’re gung ho for Clin­ton, Clarke cites the can­did­ate’s ex­tens­ive ex­per­i­ence—the same ex­per­i­ence oth­ers use to knock her as a “ca­reer politi­cian”—as a prime factor in her sup­port. Clin­ton, says Clarke, is ob­vi­ously the most-qual­i­fied can­did­ate in the race. “But that’s the story of be­ing a wo­man,” she says. “You have to be ten times bet­ter than every­one else to even get your foot in the door.” Clarke real­izes that many fem­in­ists of col­or are “very skep­tic­al” of Clin­ton, won­der­ing “wheth­er she will really be a cham­pi­on or a voice for them, or only for white wo­men”—and she gets the skep­ti­cism. But to her, there’s something more fun­da­ment­al at stake: “I think that even her as a sym­bol for wo­men, that a wo­man can be pres­id­ent, is power­ful enough.”

This time around, the Clin­ton cam­paign isn’t tak­ing that kind of solid­ar­ity for gran­ted. Young fem­in­ists’ so­cial and eco­nom­ic views may have been over­looked in 2008, but in the early stages of Clin­ton’s second run, they’ve been front and cen­ter. You could hear it in her key­note at the Wo­men in the World Sum­mit, where Clin­ton talked about in­equit­ies in what wo­men are paid, tak­ing care to note the “even wider gaps for wo­men of col­or.” You could hear it in an­oth­er speech she re­cently gave in New York call­ing for po­lice re­form and in her fre­quent in­voc­a­tions of in­come in­equal­ity. “Amer­ic­ans have fought their way back from tough eco­nom­ic times,” Clin­ton said in the April video an­noun­cing her cam­paign. “But the deck is still stacked in fa­vor of those at the top.”

Such talk is wel­comed by Clin­ton skep­tics like Viqueira, the 17-year-old, who sees the can­did­ate “re­de­fin­ing her fem­in­ism to be all-in­clus­ive.” Col­li­er Mey­er­son says that Clin­ton’s an­nounce­ment video—which, as pun­dits noted, took pains to fea­ture just about every group of “mar­gin­al­ized” people in Amer­ica—was a clear at­tempt to reach people ig­nored dur­ing her 2008 cam­paign. “My hope is that she con­tin­ues with this thread,” Mey­er­son says, “and goes on to pull in people from dif­fer­ent so­cioeco­nom­ic classes, back­grounds, and races.”

By and large, these wo­men say they’ll need to see more evid­ence of Clin­ton’s new in­clus­ive­ness be­fore their am­bi­val­ent sup­port morphs in­to en­thu­si­asm. “So far, she’s hit on a lot of the things I’m pas­sion­ate about,” says Laura Brown, a 26-year-old fash­ion de­sign­er and seam­stress in Los Angeles. “I want to see her prove it. I want to know it’s genu­ine and not just part of the game.”


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Cook Report: Dems to Pick up 5-7 Seats, Retake Senate
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Since the release of the Access Hollywood tape, on which Donald Trump boasted of sexually assaulting women, "Senate Republicans have seen their fortunes dip, particularly in states like Florida, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Nevada and Pennsylvania," where Hillary Clinton now leads. Jennifer Duffy writes that she now expects Democrats to gain five to seven seats—enough to regain control of the chamber.

"Of the Senate seats in the Toss Up column, Trump only leads in Indiana and Missouri where both Republicans are running a few points behind him. ... History shows that races in the Toss Up column never split down the middle; one party tends to win the lion’s share of them."

Clinton Reaching Out to GOP Senators
14 hours ago

If you need a marker for how confident Hillary Clinton is at this point of the race, here's one: CNN's Jeff Zeleny reports "she's been talking to Republican senators, old allies and new, saying that she is willing to work with them and govern."

Trump Admits He’s Behind
14 hours ago

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