A sad reality of Hillary Clinton’s career advice for women is that it’s all about men. How to navigate the sexist taunts that arise in the workplace, how to be less of a perfectionist (because men don’t bother), and how to handle double standards surrounding appearance and dress.
The former secretary of State presented this guidance in an interview with Glamour Editor-in-Chief Cindi Leive, which will appear in full in the magazine’s September issue. In it, Leive tells Clinton many young women don’t want to run for office, that they think it’s a blood sport, to which Clinton easily replies: It is. Below is her best advice on how to do it anyway.
1. Play the long game.
“It doesn’t have to all happen when you’re young — I mean, one of the most powerful women in American politics is Nancy Pelosi. She had five children. She didn’t go into politics until her youngest child was in high school…. That’s one of the great things about being a woman in today’s world: You have a much longer potential work life than our mothers or our grandmothers did.”
2. Practice public speaking.
“If you’re not comfortable with public speaking — and nobody starts out comfortable, you have to learn how to be comfortable — practice. I cannot overstate the importance of practicing.”
3. Ask for help.
“Too many people … have this deep-seated fear that if they ask for help, they will be thought less of. In my [view], they’ll be thought more of.”
4. Don’t be perfect, be willing to learn.
“You don’t have to be perfect. Most men never think like that. They’re just trying to figure out what’s the opening and how they can seize it.”
5. Don’t be rattled by sexism, but do stand up for other women.
“I have generally not responded [to sexist comments] if it’s about me. And I have responded if it’s about somebody else, because if women in general are being degraded, are being dismissed, then I can respond in a way that demonstrates I’m not taking it personally but I’m really serious about rejecting that kind of behavior.”
6. Your appearance shouldn’t matter, but it does.
“I mean, clearly people should meet an acceptable threshold of appropriateness!… But I think that for many women in the public eye, it just seems that the burden is so heavy … it takes a lot of time.”
7. Listen to others in the workplace.
“Keeping your head down and doing the best job you can in the beginning gives you the opportunity to be evaluated on the basis of the contributions you are making. I often would listen more than talk in my early meetings with people.”
8. But not too much.
“At the same time, you cannot be afraid to present yourself.”
9. Forget insults.
” … You just have to decide you’re going to follow Eleanor Roosevelt’s maxim about growing skin as thick as the hide of a rhinoceros, and you have to be incredibly well prepared — better prepared [than a man], actually … and you have to have a support group around you, because it can be really a brutal experience.”
10. If you think you don’t want to run, think again.
” … There are many ways to be influential. I mean, you can work for politicians … or in government and make a difference.”
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Before we get to the specifics of this exposé about escorts working the Iowa and New Hampshire primary crowds, let’s get three things out of the way: 1.) It’s from Cosmopolitan; 2.) most of the women quoted use fake (if colorful) names; and 3.) again, it’s from Cosmopolitan. That said, here’s what we learned:
- Business was booming: one escort who says she typically gets two inquiries a weekend got 15 requests in the pre-primary weekend.
- Their primary season clientele is a bit older than normal—”40s through mid-60s, compared with mostly twentysomething regulars” and “they’ve clearly done this before.”
- They seemed more nervous than other clients, because “the stakes are higher when you’re working for a possible future president” but “all practiced impeccable manners.”
- One escort “typically enjoy[s] the company of Democrats more, just because I feel like our views line up a lot more.”
No matter where you stand on mandating companies to include a backdoor in encryption technologies, it doesn’t make sense to allow that decision to be made on a state level. “The problem with state-level legislation of this nature is that it manages to be both wildly impractical and entirely unenforceable,” writes Brian Barrett at Wired. There is a solution to this problem. “California Congressman Ted Lieu has introduced the ‘Ensuring National Constitutional Rights for Your Private Telecommunications Act of 2016,’ which we’ll call ENCRYPT. It’s a short, straightforward bill with a simple aim: to preempt states from attempting to implement their own anti-encryption policies at a state level.”
Much has been made of David Brooks’s recent New York Times column, in which confesses to missing already the civility and humanity of Barack Obama, compared to who might take his place. In NewYorker.com, Jeffrey Frank reminds us how critical such attributes are to foreign policy. “It’s hard to imagine Kennedy so casually referring to the leader of Russia as a gangster or a thug. For that matter, it’s hard to imagine any president comparing the Russian leader to Hitler [as] Hillary Clinton did at a private fund-raiser. … Kennedy, who always worried that miscalculation could lead to war, paid close attention to the language of diplomacy.”
The New Covenant. The Third Way. The Democratic Leadership Council style. Call it what you will, but whatever centrist triangulation Bill Clinton embraced in 1992, Hillary Clinton wants no part of it in 2016. Writing for Bloomberg, Sasha Issenberg and Margaret Talev explore how Hillary’s campaign has “diverged pointedly” from what made Bill so successful: “For Hillary to survive, Clintonism had to die.” Bill’s positions in 1992—from capital punishment to free trade—“represented a carefully calibrated diversion from the liberal orthodoxy of the previous decade.” But in New Hampshire, Hillary “worked to juggle nostalgia for past Clinton primary campaigns in the state with the fact that the Bill of 1992 or the Hillary of 2008 would likely be a marginal figure within today’s Democratic politics.”
At first, “it was pleasant” to see Trevor Noah “smiling away and deeply dimpling in the Stewart seat, the seat that had lately grown gray hairs,” writes The Atlantic‘s James Parker in assessing the new host of the once-indispensable Daily Show. But where Jon Stewart was a heavyweight, Noah is “a very able lightweight, [who] needs time too. But he won’t get any. As a culture, we’re not about to nurture this talent, to give it room to grow. Our patience was exhausted long ago, by some other guy. We’re going to pass judgment and move on. There’s a reason Simon Cowell is so rich. Impress us today or get thee hence. So it comes to this: It’s now or never, Trevor.”