Moving from the heat of Washington to the furnace of Phoenix isn’t as bad as it sounds, according to former Rep. Ben Quayle, R-Ariz.
“We’re in the monsoon season, but we can almost see the end of summer here,” he said, quickly adding, “That doesn’t mean much” in a state where the temperature averages 100 degrees in September.
Quayle, 36, has called America’s hottest city home since 1996, and he now lives there full time with his wife and their 2-year-old daughter. After losing a close primary race last year in a redrawn district that pitted him against another first-term incumbent, GOP Rep. David Schweikert, Quayle says he started working this summer as a consultant in his home state. “Being in Congress and seeing how the system works from the inside really helped me with this kind of work,” he notes.
In July, Quayle joined law firm Clark Hill as a senior director in the government and public-affairs group. “I’m based in Arizona, but I was in Washington for one week in July,” and he says he will probably make monthly visits to the nation’s capital.
“My wife likes me being home a lot more,” he said. “And my daughter likes me being home”¦. It’s been nice being busy while being at home.”
Quayle is not a native of the Grand Canyon State, though he is the fourth generation in his family to locate there. He was born in Fort Wayne, Ind., just a few days after his father, Dan Quayle, won his first term in Congress in 1976. The family moved to Arizona in 1996 after then-Vice President Quayle considered a run for president but opted out due to health problems.
Ben Quayle made his first bid for Congress in 2010 after Republican Rep. John Shadegg retired. Quayle won a 10-candidate GOP primary in August and was swept into office in the tea-party wave in the fall.
Quayle says he decided to join Clark Hill because of the “entrepreneurial spirit” the firm champions. “There’s not a lot of top-down pressure. All of us work cooperatively on most of the things going on in the office,” he saiys.
He spend most of his time advising clients on legislation in the pipeline in Washington, and he finds following the action on Capitol Hill from a distance informative. “It’s been interesting to watch the 113th,” he said. “It’s hard to get consensus on bigger issues when there are diametrically opposed views on how things should operate. I think there is a level of frustration among our clients toward Congress.”
Quayle says he “wouldn’t ever say never” to a future bid for political office. “I miss my friends who are still on the Hill, and not being involved directly in policymaking is something that I miss.”
But for now, Quayle concludes, “Things are good. I know, because I’m exercising a lot more. That was the thing that was always cast by the wayside.”
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Before we get to the specifics of this exposé about escorts working the Iowa and New Hampshire primary crowds, let’s get three things out of the way: 1.) It’s from Cosmopolitan; 2.) most of the women quoted use fake (if colorful) names; and 3.) again, it’s from Cosmopolitan. That said, here’s what we learned:
- Business was booming: one escort who says she typically gets two inquiries a weekend got 15 requests in the pre-primary weekend.
- Their primary season clientele is a bit older than normal—”40s through mid-60s, compared with mostly twentysomething regulars” and “they’ve clearly done this before.”
- They seemed more nervous than other clients, because “the stakes are higher when you’re working for a possible future president” but “all practiced impeccable manners.”
- One escort “typically enjoy[s] the company of Democrats more, just because I feel like our views line up a lot more.”
No matter where you stand on mandating companies to include a backdoor in encryption technologies, it doesn’t make sense to allow that decision to be made on a state level. “The problem with state-level legislation of this nature is that it manages to be both wildly impractical and entirely unenforceable,” writes Brian Barrett at Wired. There is a solution to this problem. “California Congressman Ted Lieu has introduced the ‘Ensuring National Constitutional Rights for Your Private Telecommunications Act of 2016,’ which we’ll call ENCRYPT. It’s a short, straightforward bill with a simple aim: to preempt states from attempting to implement their own anti-encryption policies at a state level.”
Much has been made of David Brooks’s recent New York Times column, in which confesses to missing already the civility and humanity of Barack Obama, compared to who might take his place. In NewYorker.com, Jeffrey Frank reminds us how critical such attributes are to foreign policy. “It’s hard to imagine Kennedy so casually referring to the leader of Russia as a gangster or a thug. For that matter, it’s hard to imagine any president comparing the Russian leader to Hitler [as] Hillary Clinton did at a private fund-raiser. … Kennedy, who always worried that miscalculation could lead to war, paid close attention to the language of diplomacy.”
The New Covenant. The Third Way. The Democratic Leadership Council style. Call it what you will, but whatever centrist triangulation Bill Clinton embraced in 1992, Hillary Clinton wants no part of it in 2016. Writing for Bloomberg, Sasha Issenberg and Margaret Talev explore how Hillary’s campaign has “diverged pointedly” from what made Bill so successful: “For Hillary to survive, Clintonism had to die.” Bill’s positions in 1992—from capital punishment to free trade—“represented a carefully calibrated diversion from the liberal orthodoxy of the previous decade.” But in New Hampshire, Hillary “worked to juggle nostalgia for past Clinton primary campaigns in the state with the fact that the Bill of 1992 or the Hillary of 2008 would likely be a marginal figure within today’s Democratic politics.”
At first, “it was pleasant” to see Trevor Noah “smiling away and deeply dimpling in the Stewart seat, the seat that had lately grown gray hairs,” writes The Atlantic‘s James Parker in assessing the new host of the once-indispensable Daily Show. But where Jon Stewart was a heavyweight, Noah is “a very able lightweight, [who] needs time too. But he won’t get any. As a culture, we’re not about to nurture this talent, to give it room to grow. Our patience was exhausted long ago, by some other guy. We’re going to pass judgment and move on. There’s a reason Simon Cowell is so rich. Impress us today or get thee hence. So it comes to this: It’s now or never, Trevor.”