But when it comes to climate-change policy, emboldening the GOP’s conservative wing won’t push the House rightward much — if at all. That’s because there’s little room to move any further in that direction.
Many hot-button issues expose fault lines in the GOP. Some Republicans — backed by the business community — are open to action on immigration-reform legislation, while swaths of the conservative base oppose anything that would provide citizenship to any undocumented residents.
Similarly, on the debt ceiling, the business lobby has battled GOP conservatives who have resisted lifting the nation’s borrowing limit, at least without steep White House concessions.
These big divides just aren’t there on carbon-emissions policy. In recent years, House Republicans, backed by the party’s establishment figures, have voted overwhelmingly to nullify EPA’s power to regulate carbon emissions.
An array of powerful business groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers have backed various pieces of House GOP legislation to strip or greatly limit EPA’s power to curb emissions from power plants and factories.
The harmony between industry goals and conservatives is often present on a range of other energy issues, too, though there could be tensions over tax credits that hard-liners and conservative advocacy groups want to kill.
The House GOP has voted with unity — and support from business and industry groups — in recent years to lift offshore-drilling restrictions, kill planned federal regulation of “fracking,” and nullify various other EPA and Interior Department rules.
On the related question of climate science, many Republicans reject or strongly question the scientific consensus around human-induced climate change, but subtle divides may be emerging.
In late May, House Speaker John Boehner said EPA’s carbon-emissions standards for power plants would hurt the economy, but he passed up a chance to attack climate science, instead telling reporters: “I’m not qualified to debate the science.”
But when it comes to opposing greenhouse-emissions controls, House Republicans speak with one voice.
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"After hours of private talks," Debbie Wasserman Schultz agreed to step down as chair of the Democratic National Committee after the convention ends. In the wake of the convention intrigue, Hillary Clinton announced she's making Wasserman Schultz "the honorary chair of her campaign's 50-state program."
Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz "will not have a major speaking role or preside over daily convention proceedings this week," and is under increasing pressure to resign. The DNC Rules Committee on Saturday named Ohio Democratic Rep. Marcia Fudge as "permanent chair of the convention." At issue: internal DNC emails leaked by Wikileaks that show how "the DNC favored Clinton during the primary and tried to take down Bernie Sanders by questioning his religion."
- A Rasmussen Reports poll shows Donald Trump ahead of Hillary Clinton, 43%-42%, the fourth week in a row he's led the poll (one of the few poll in which he's led consistently of late).
- A Reuters/Ipsos survey shows Clinton leading 40%-36%. In a four-way race, she maintains her four-point lead, 39%-35%, with Gary Johnson and Jill Stein pulling 7% and 3%, respectively.
- And the LA Times/USC daily tracking poll shows a dead heat, with Trump ahead by about half a percentage point.
In an election between two candidates around 70 years of age, millennials strongly prefer one over the other. Hillary Clinton has a 47%-30% edge among votes 18 to 29. She also leads 46%-36% among voters aged 30 to 44.