But when it comes to climate-change policy, emboldening the GOP’s conservative wing won’t push the House rightward much — if at all. That’s because there’s little room to move any further in that direction.
Many hot-button issues expose fault lines in the GOP. Some Republicans — backed by the business community — are open to action on immigration-reform legislation, while swaths of the conservative base oppose anything that would provide citizenship to any undocumented residents.
Similarly, on the debt ceiling, the business lobby has battled GOP conservatives who have resisted lifting the nation’s borrowing limit, at least without steep White House concessions.
These big divides just aren’t there on carbon-emissions policy. In recent years, House Republicans, backed by the party’s establishment figures, have voted overwhelmingly to nullify EPA’s power to regulate carbon emissions.
An array of powerful business groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers have backed various pieces of House GOP legislation to strip or greatly limit EPA’s power to curb emissions from power plants and factories.
The harmony between industry goals and conservatives is often present on a range of other energy issues, too, though there could be tensions over tax credits that hard-liners and conservative advocacy groups want to kill.
The House GOP has voted with unity — and support from business and industry groups — in recent years to lift offshore-drilling restrictions, kill planned federal regulation of “fracking,” and nullify various other EPA and Interior Department rules.
On the related question of climate science, many Republicans reject or strongly question the scientific consensus around human-induced climate change, but subtle divides may be emerging.
In late May, House Speaker John Boehner said EPA’s carbon-emissions standards for power plants would hurt the economy, but he passed up a chance to attack climate science, instead telling reporters: “I’m not qualified to debate the science.”
But when it comes to opposing greenhouse-emissions controls, House Republicans speak with one voice.
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The great restroom war of 2016 continues apace, as eleven states have sued the Obama administration in federal court, claiming its federal guidance on how schools should accommodate transgender students "has no basis in law." "The lawsuit was filed in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas on behalf of Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Louisiana, Maine, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, West Virginia and Wisconsin. The lawsuit argues that the federal government has worked to turn workplaces and schools 'into laboratories for a massive social experiment.'"
By a 29-10 vote, the House Natural Resources Committee today passed the bill to allow Puerto Rico to restructure its $70 billion in debt. The legislation "would establish an oversight board to help the commonwealth restructure its un-payable debt and craft an economic recovery plan."
"Though every major party nominee since 1976 has released his tax returns while running for president, the practice has never been required by law. Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) wants to change that. The senior Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee, which handles tax issues, introduced a bill on Wednesday that would force presidential candidates to release their most recent tax returns. The Presidential Tax Transparency Act, as the bill is called, would require candidates to make their latest three years of tax returns public no later than 15 days after becoming the nominee."