Gov. Rod Blagojevich (D) Elected 2002, 1st term up Jan. 2007
Born:	Dec. 10, 1956, Chicago
Home:	Chicago
Education:	Northwestern U., B.A. 1979, Pepperdine U., J.D. 1983
Religion:	Eastern Orthodox
Marital Status:	married (Patti)
Elected  Office:	IL House of Reps., 1992-96; U.S. House of Reps., 1996-2002.
Professional Career:	Practicing atty., 1984-96; Asst. Cook County Atty., 1986-88.
Office	State Capitol, 207 Statehouse, Springfield 62706, 217-782-6830; Fax: 217-524-1676; Web: www.illinois.gov/gov.
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Rod Blagojevich was elected governor of Illinois in 2002, the first Democrat elected to the office since 1972, when Blagojevich was in high school. He grew up in Chicago, the son of a Serbian immigrant who worked at the A. Finkl & Sons steel works on the North Side; his mother worked as a ticket-taker for the Chicago Transit Authority. He lived in a five-room walkup near Cicero and Armitage and worked as a shoeshine boy and a dishwasher on the Alaskan pipeline. Blagojevich (pronounced blah-GOY-eh-vich) graduated from Northwestern and Pepperdine Law School and was a Golden Gloves boxer. A fine athlete, he runs marathons and climbs perilous mountains. He practiced law and worked two years in State's Attorney Richard M. Daley's office. But he got his start in politics through his father-in-law, 33d Ward Alderman and Democratic Ward Committeeman Richard Mell. Mell was first elected alderman in 1975; he delivered the highest ward percentage for Mayor Jane Byrne in 1983, against Harold Washington and Richard M. Daley, and was a foe of Washington in the 1980s "council wars"; he is currently chairman of the Council's Rules Committee. In 1988 Blagojevich met Mell's daughter Patti at a Mell fundraiser, and in 1990 they were married. In 1988 he got a job on Mell's staff; in 1992 he was elected to the Illinois House. His opportunity to run for the U.S. House came after Republican Michael Flanagan upset Ways and Means Chairman Dan Rostenkowski in 1994. Flanagan, who had little backing, was obviously a one-termer. In 1996 Blagojevich outspent Flanagan and won 64%-36%.

The initial impulse for Blagojevich's gubernatorial candidacy may have come from uncertainty about redistricting. It was fairly clear early on that Illinois would lose a seat in the 2000 Census, and most politicians assumed one of the Chicago districts would have to go--and Blagojevich's 5th District was vulnerable because it could easily be sliced up by its neighbors and was not represented by a black or Hispanic. Moreover, it was apparent that unpopular incumbent Republican Governor George Ryan, embroiled in scandal, would be hard put to win a second term. Blagojevich in July 2001 announced that he was running for governor. He plunged ahead, although the redistricting plan passed two months earlier had preserved his 5th District in almost identical form.

There were crowded races in both parties' March 2002 primaries. In the Democratic primary, Blagojevich faced former Chicago schools CEO Paul Vallas and former Attorney General Roland Burris. Burris was relying on his appeal to black voters, Vallas on his record in improving Chicago's public schools, although he had left office at odds with his original patron, Mayor Richard M. Daley. In metro Chicago Vallas led with 38% of the vote to 32% for Burris and 29% for Blagojevich. But Blagojevich won 56% of the vote Downstate, for a 37%-34%-29% victory over Vallas and Burris. There was more acrimony on the Republican side. All three candidates vied to distance themselves from George Ryan. State Senator Patrick O'Malley campaigned as an outspoken conservative. Lieutenant Governor Corinne Wood, a supporter of abortion rights, said her two rivals were "too extreme" because they opposed abortion. Jim Ryan, no relation to the incumbent, well known from his years as DuPage County State's Attorney and state Attorney General, was pummeled from both sides. But he won convincingly, with 45% of the vote to 28% for O'Malley and 27% for Wood.

Ordinarily in Illinois politics it is an advantage to have an Irish name shared by other successful politicians. Candidates named Ryan, Hynes or Hines, or Cullerton are often elected to downballot state and Cook County offices without much difficulty and can easily become serious contenders for the top positions. But in 2002 it was not an advantage to be a Ryan. Jim Ryan was at pains to distinguish himself from George Ryan; his campaign signs said simply "Jim." In July 2002 Jim Ryan called on George Ryan to resign; in September George Ryan called Jim Ryan "a lousy candidate"; Jim Ryan said the governor "ran the worst administration in the history of Illinois." Jim Ryan lamented that Blagojevich was not being hurt by his ties to machine politicians. But Richard Mell was not a political liability in 2002 and Mayor Daley, the chairman of Blagojevich's campaign, was a decided political asset.

Blagojevich campaigned for "changing the old way of doing business--an obvious attack on George Ryan. Always ahead in the polls, he got support from big lobby groups which usually back Republicans--the Illinois State Medical Society, the Illinois Retail Merchants Association--and raised $25 million, far more than Jim Ryan. The only surprise about the outcome was that it was a bit closer than expected. Blagojevich won 52%-45%; he carried metro Chicago by a solid 57%-40% and lost Downstate by only 52%-46%--a good return on the time and money he spent there. On election night, held at the A. Finkl & Sons steel works, Blagojevich, a big Elvis Presley fan, said he was "all shook up" and full of "a whole bunch of hunk o', hunk o' burnin' love for each one of you." Democrats captured a majority in the state Senate, and Chicagoan Emil Jones succeeded longtime Republican leader Pate Philip as Senate Majority Leader; Democratic State Chairman and Speaker Michael Madigan remained in charge of the Chicago House. Federal investigators, led by U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald--an out-of-stater nominated by Republican Senator (and George Ryan critic) Peter Fitzgerald--zeroed in on George Ryan, and in December 2003 he was indicted on bribery charges; 59 other people involved in the scandal had already been convicted.

Democrats were in control of state government for the first time since 1976, and Democrats with friendly ties to Chicago politicians for the first time since 1968. But all was not harmony. "Illinois has voted for change," Blagojevich proclaimed, and proceeded to oppose the kind of pork spending which George Ryan had lavished on legislators of both parties. As co-chairman of his transition team he named former Governor Jim Thompson, a Republican who had built his career on opposition to the Chicago machine. He announced that he would govern from Chicago, and traveled to the gritty state capital of Springfield only rarely (a not unheard of procedure: current or recent governors of California, New York and Illinois have spent more time in Los Angeles, New York City and Chicago rather than their state capitals than most voters would guess). He hired his law school roommate from California and a former top aide to Senator Charles Schumer and Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York as top aides in a state where politics is an intensely parochial matter. Senate Minority Leader Frank Watson said, "He's taken us on. He's taken the constitutional officers on. Maybe in his eyes that builds him up. But it tears the process down." Senate Majority Leader Emil Jones said, "Well, he does a pretty good job of communicating--if I read the papers in time." Blagojevich's response: "The system has to change. I know it, I presume you know it and I know the people know it. We are going to keep fighting to change this system, a system that has way too much cynicism, a system that has too many misplaced priorities and a system that spends the people's money with reckless disregard."

On many issues the new governor prevailed. In 2003 he vetoed one ethics package passed by the legislature and got it to pass a much stronger version. He succeeded in keeping his promise not to allow increases in the sales or income taxes. He got steep cuts in some programs and an increase in education spending; borrowing $10 billion to shore up pension systems freed $2 billion for operating expenses. He got changes in the death penalty law, and got the legislature to strike a provision on police perjury which was supported by Emil Jones but opposed by police unions. Richard M. Daley's plan for vastly expanding O'Hare Airport--the mayor's absolute number one priority--was approved. The minimum wage was increased. But there were clashes along the way, with Secretary of State Jesse White over spending for his office, with Michael Madigan over the 2004 budget. In 2004 Blagojevich and Jones were allies on the budget, with Madigan and Senate Republican leaders as their adversaries seeking cuts in education and Medicaid: scrambled political alignments reminiscent of the city-states of Renaissance Italy.

Riverboat gambling has become a big business in Illinois, and state government faces current gambling issues. In May 2004, one day after Mayor Daley called for a city-run casino in Chicago, Blagojevich abruptly rejected the proposal; he said that gambling should be confined to depressed riverfront areas. At the same time, Attorney General Lisa Madigan, Michael Madigan's daughter, abruptly blocked the Illinois Gaming Board's award of a bankrupt casino's license to a company that wanted to build a new casino at Rosemont, next to O'Hare Airport. Blagojevich sponsored the first state-run program to enable people to buy prescription drugs from Canada, Britain and Ireland and ignored the FDA's pleas that he cease and desist; but by November 2004 only a few seniors had signed up. In October 2003 he hired historian Richard Norton Smith to head the troubled Lincoln President Library and Museum in Springfield, which "very frankly has failed every expectation" and "got unfortunately caught up in politics and patronage" under George Ryan. In the Chicago area most interstates are named after politicians and road builders; Blagojevich named I-88 after Ronald Reagan. In 2004 Blagojevich considered naming a state (non-alcoholic) beverage in return for money.

During most of 2003 and 2004 Blagojevich's job approval remained at or above 50%, far better than his predecessor's. But in 2005 his poll ratings dropped amid news reports about alleged cronyism in his administration and favors for campaign donors. A family feud with his powerful father-in-law, Alderman Richard Mell, also drew considerable attention; in May, Blagojevich said that by confronting Mell over a disputed landfill operation he had shown "testicular virility." The Republicans' gain of one seat each in the state House and Senate in November 2004 were of little political significance in the legislature, since the chief battles there have been between Democrats. Blagojevich continued to raise large sums of money and it is not clear, given Republicans' difficulties in coming up with a substitute candidate for U.S. senator in 2004, whether he will face a serious Republican challenger in 2006. As early as November 2002 Blagojevich was already talking with Democratic allies about a six-year plan to run for president in 2008; little was heard of that in 2003 and 2004, but a solid reelection victory may revive the prospect.

Election Results (More Info)
	Candidate	Total Votes	Percent
2002 general	Rod Blagojevich (D)	1,847,040	52%
	Jim Ryan (R)	1,594,960	45%
	Other	96,883	3%
2002 primary	Rod Blagojevich (D)	457,197	37%
	Paul Vallas (D)	431,728	34%
	Roland Burris (D)	363,591	29%
1998 general	George H. Ryan (R)	1,714,094	51%
	Glenn Poshard (D)	1,594,191	47%
	Other	50,420	2%