Rep. Charlie Norwood (R) Elected 1994, 6th term
Born:	July 27, 1941, Valdosta
Home:	Evans
Education:	GA S. U., B.S. 1964, Georgetown U., D.D.S. 1967
Religion:	Methodist
Marital Status:	married (Gloria)
Military Career:	Army, 1967-69 (Vietnam).
Professional Career:	Small businessman, 1969-present; Practicing dentist, 1969-93; Pres., GA Dental Assn., 1983.
DC Office	2452 RHOB20515, 202-225-4101; Fax: 202-226-0776; Web site: www.house.gov/norwood
State Offices	Augusta, 706-733-7066; Toccoa, 706-886-2776.
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Northeastern Georgia is a land where the coastal plains and cotton fields yield first to gently rolling hills, then finally near the North Carolina border to the Appalachian Mountains. For most of its history, this has been quiet rural country, with courthouse towns and a few small cities, mostly forgotten by national elites, bypassed even by General Sherman on his march to the sea. But in the last two decades, economic growth has radiated outward from Atlanta and has spread across much of the region. The effects can be seen as far away as the old city of Augusta, on the Savannah River across from South Carolina. Founded in 1735, with an old Cotton Exchange and mansions untouched by Sherman, it is rich in history. It is also a center for newer industries, which are replacing the paper industry and the nuclear industry that has abandoned the Savannah River weapons site over the border in South Carolina. Augusta is the home of the Augusta National Golf Club, the site of the Masters tournament every year, its entrance barely visible off four-lane Washington Road.

The 9th Congressional District of Georgia includes most of the northeast corner of the state, with a few prominent exceptions. It includes most of the Augusta area but not heavily black precincts in Augusta itself and it excludes the liberal enclave of Athens, home of the University of Georgia--both were included in the 12th District by Democratic redistricters to create a new Democratic seat. There are new retiree communities and second-home developments in the mountains in the northern part of the district, and there is rapid growth in its west end, in Walton and Barrow Counties, which are part of metro Atlanta. Barrow was once a sleepy rural county, notable mainly as the home of longtime (1933-71) Senator Richard Russell. Columbia County, next to Augusta, and Oconee County, next to Athens, are particularly affluent and rapidly growing. Voters here prefer traditional values over liberal values; several counties have rejected ballot propositions to end prohibition of alcohol. This is an overwhelmingly Republican district, in national politics and, since 2002, in state elections as well.

The congressman from the 9th District is Charlie Norwood, a Republican first elected in 1994. Norwood grew up in Valdosta, went to college and dental school, served in the Army in Vietnam and at Fort Gordon, then practiced dentistry in Augusta. He was president of the Georgia Dental Association and also started small businesses--Northwood Tree Nursery and Park Avenue Fabrics. In 1993 he decided to sell his dental practice and run against Congressman Don Johnson, a freshman elected in 1992. Johnson came under scathing criticism when he broke a campaign promise to vote against any tax increase and supported the Clinton budget and tax package in 1993. Norwood's toughest race in 1994 turned out to be the primary; he came from behind to beat Ralph Hudgens in the runoff 51%-49%. When Johnson said he wanted Bill Clinton or Al Gore to visit the 10th District only if "they are coming down to endorse my opponent," Norwood invited Clinton and offered to pay his plane fare. Norwood won 65%-35%, as Johnson took one of the worst lickings of a non-scandal-tarred incumbent in recent history.

Norwood generally has had a conservative voting record, though he is less ideological than other Republicans in the Georgia delegation. In 1997, he emerged from obscurity to become one of the House's most influential members. The reason was PARCA, the Patient Access to Responsible Care Act, regulating health maintenance organizations, which Norwood pushed with great vehemence. In his dental practice, Norwood was in an HMO for three years and decided, "This was no way to go." He assembled 230 co-sponsors, including 90 Republicans. Large businesses and the Chamber of Commerce predicted it would raise insurance costs by 35%. HMOs and the Blues also opposed it. The American Medical Association, American Dental Association and American College of Emergency Physicians came out in favor, as did most Democrats. As momentum grew, Newt Gingrich appointed a Republican working group headed by then-Chief Deputy Whip Dennis Hastert. Norwood judged that he couldn't pass his full bill, and so was ready to compromise. The working group's bill did not include the right to sue, but did permit emergency room visits without previous approval and allowed patients to appeal decisions to an outside arbitrator. The Patient Protection Act passed 216-210; but the Senate did not act. In the 106th Congress, Hastert had become speaker but he could no longer stop the tide once Norwood signed on with senior Democrat John Dingell on the patients' bill of rights. When Norwood-Dingell passed 275-151 in October 1999. Norwood became many Democrats' favorite Republican, and Clinton embraced the bill as "a major victory for every family." Then something unexpected happened. The next year featured all sorts of negotiations: Republican-Democratic, House-Senate, Congress-White House. But the bill remained logjammed. Unwilling to add further burdens to the courts, Republicans correctly gambled that momentum for HMO regulation had waned. Many Democrats moved on to their new health-care issue, prescription drug coverage for seniors. In 2001, his former allies were miffed when Norwood unexpectedly went to the White House and agreed to a deal with George W. Bush on a new version of the bill that permitted employers to limit their liability. House Republicans passed that plan amid cries from Democrats that Norwood had sold out his principles; the Senate Democratic majority had no interest in cutting a deal.

Despite his work on this issue, Norwood's standing has remained strong among leadership Republicans. As chairman of the Workforce Protections panel on the Education and the Workforce Committee, he pressed for tougher enforcement by the Labor Department of union disclosure forms. Norwood latched onto a new issue when he joined foes of illegal immigration in filing a bill requiring local police to deport aliens who have violated immigration law, especially those who are convicted criminals; growing problems with aliens in north Georgia produced an enthusiastic local response. When critics called his CLEAR Act (Clear Law Enforcement for Alien Removal Act) "anti-immigration," Norwood responded that they should "stand up for immigrants, not criminals."

Norwood faced tough electoral competition in 1996 after a court-ordered redistricting made the district 38% black; he won by only 52%-48%. As the champion of PARCA and as an excellent fundraiser, he did not attract such strong competition in later cycles. The new boundaries established for 2002 all but guaranteed easy reelection but in September 2004 Norwood revealed that he had suffered from an incurable lung condition, idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis, since 1998 and was at the top of the list for lung transplant surgery. The pending operation forced him to remain in Washington; the surgery was performed successfully in northern Virginia in October. Despite being unable to return home to campaign, Norwood won 74%-26%. Norwood was able to return to the district in March 2005, though he was unable to shake hands with constituents for fear of infection. He has said he fully expects to seek reelection in 2006; his Democratic opponent could be John Barrow of the 12th District, whose Clarke County base was moved into the 10th in the March 2005 redistricting. But Barrow seems more likely to run in the new 12th District, which includes a larger portion of his old district.

Committees

• Education & the Workforce (7th of 27 R): Workforce Protections (Chmn.).
• Energy & Commerce (9th of 31 R): Energy & Air Quality; Health.

Group Ratings (More Info)
	ADA	ACLU	AFS	LCV	ITIC	NTU	COC	ACU	NTLC	CHC
2004	0	0	0	0	62	85	100	100	100	100	--
2003	10	--	13	10	--	76	87	96	--	--	--

National Journal Ratings (More Info)
	2003 LIB	--	2003 CONS		2004 LIB	--	2004 CONS
Economic	41%	--	57%		0%	--	95%
Social	0%	--	95%		0%	--	91%
Foreign	23%	--	71%		24%	--	75%
For National Journal's complete 2004 Vote Ratings, as well as previous ratings dating back to 1995, please click here.

Key Votes Of The 108th Congress (More Info)
1. Drilling in ANWR Y 2. Approve Bush Tax Cuts Y 3. Medicare/Rx Bill N 4. Bar Overtime Pay Regs. N 5. DC School Vouchers Y 6. Ban Human Cloning Y		7. Restrict Gun Liability Y  8. Ban Partial-Birth Abortion Y  9. Ban Same-Sex Marriage Y 10. Fund Iraq War Y 11. Bar Cuba Embargo Funds N 12. Intelligence Reorg. *

Election Results (More Info)
	Candidate	Total Votes	Percent	Expenditures
2004 general	Charlie Norwood (R)	197,869	74%	$905,590
	Bob Ellis (D)	68,462	26%	$113,330
2004 primary	Charlie Norwood (R)	unopposed
2002 general	Charlie Norwood (R)	123,313	73%	$1,143,213
	Barry Irwin (D)	45,974	27%	$14,404
Prior winning percentages: 2000 (63%); 1998 (60%); 1996 (52%); 1994 (65%)

2004 Presidential Vote Bush (R) 200,604 (72%) Kerry (D) 75,971 (27%)

2000 Presidential Vote Bush (R) 141,065 (66%) Gore (D) 67,451 (32%)

For 1992 and 1996 presidential results in the Ninth District, please see the Almanac 2000 online. Please note that these older returns reflect district lines as they existed prior to 2002 redistricting.

• Cook Partisan Voting Index: R +19
• District Size: 7,124 square miles
• Population in 2000: 629,762; 34.1% urban; 65.9% rural
• Median Household Income: $39,987; 11.2% are below the poverty line
• Occupation: 32.8% blue collar; 53.5% white collar; 13.7% gray collar; 13.9% military veterans
• Race/Ethnic Origin: 81.2% White, 13.6% Black, 1.2% Asian, 0.3% Amer. Indian, 0.0% Hawaiian, 0.9% Two+ races, 0.1% Other, 2.6% Hispanic origin
• Ancestry: 16.8% USA, 8.1% English, 7.8% Irish
• Click here for statewide demographic data.