Sen. Tom Daschle (D) Elected 1986, 3d term up 2004
Born:	Dec. 9, 1947, Aberdeen
Home:	Aberdeen
Education:	SD St. U., B.A. 1969
Religion:	Catholic
Marital Status:	married (Linda)
Elected  Office:	U.S. House of Reps., 1978-86.
Military Career:	Air Force, 1969-72, Air Force Reserves, 1975-78.
Professional Career:	Legis. Asst., U.S. Sen. James Abourezk, 1973-77.
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Tom Daschle, first elected to the Senate in 1986, was Senate majority leader from June 2001 to January 2003 (and for 17 days in January 2001) and is now, as he was from January 1995 to June 2001, minority leader. He grew up in Aberdeen, where his father was a bookkeeper at an auto parts store, and graduated from South Dakota State, the first in his family to graduate from college. His entire career has been in government. He served as an intelligence officer in the Air Force in the years George McGovern was running for president. In 1973 he became a Washington staffer for Senator James Abourezk. In 1978, as Abourezk was about to retire, Daschle returned to South Dakota, ran for the eastern House district that Larry Pressler was vacating to run for the Senate, and won by exactly 139 votes over Vietnam P.O.W. Leo Thorsness, who had come close to beating McGovern for the Senate in 1974. Daschle was a generally faithful follower of the Democratic leadership in the House, trapped far behind others in seniority. In 1982, when South Dakota lost one of its two House seats, he ran against incumbent Republican Cliff Roberts and won 52%-48%.

It was natural for Daschle, already representing the entire state, to run in 1986 for the Senate seat held by Republican Jim Abdnor. Daschle had the additional good luck that Governor Bill Janklow was opposing Abdnor in the primary, putting Abdnor on the defensive and forcing him to use much of his money. Daschle again won 52%-48%, in one of the key victories that returned control of the Senate to the Democrats for eight years. Two years later, in January 1989, new Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell named Daschle co-chairman of the Senate Democratic Policy Committee--in effect, though not in title, the number two man in the Senate leadership. When Mitchell announced his retirement in March 1994, Daschle immediately started running for majority leader--too soon to suit some traditionalists. His opponent Jim Sasser seemed to have enough votes to win, but Sasser lost to Republican Bill Frist in Tennessee in November. That was the good news for Daschle; the bad news was that Democrats had lost enough seats that the race was for minority rather than majority leader. Connecticut's Christopher Dodd immediately entered the race, with encouragement from some older committee chairmen; but Daschle relinquished his seat on the Finance Committee to Carol Moseley-Braun of Illinois, whose vote gave him a 24-23 victory.

Daschle's capacity for dogged hard work, his seemingly mild manner and ability to stay unruffled, and his efforts at building consensus made the Democratic Caucus more united than in many years--maybe ever--and more effective legislatively than almost anyone expected. His first big test was on the balanced budget amendment. Daschle segued smoothly from his former support of the amendment to opposition, with the argument that any such amendment should exclude Social Security. That provided cover for him and five other Democrats who had previously supported balanced budget amendments to switch and defeat the amendment by one vote in March 1995.

Through all this, Daschle's soft-spoken style, about which many Democrats had qualms, proved effective on television. He maintained his generally liberal voting record. Once rather skeptical of American foreign involvements, and an opponent of the Gulf War resolution, he steadily supported the Clinton administration on Bosnia and Kosovo and on PNTR with China. After Republicans gained two seats in the 1996 election, Daschle advanced his own priorities. One was change in campaign finance regulation: he backs a constitutional amendment to limit spending by candidates, parties and independent groups. On impeachment, Daschle steadily defended Bill Clinton and advanced partisan positions in his pleasant but steely manner. But as Clinton's lawyers kept trying to insist that he had not lied under oath in August 1998 about lying under oath in January 1998, Daschle called on Clinton to stop "hairsplitting" in September. During the impeachment trial, as on other issues, he stayed in close and constant touch with Majority Leader Trent Lott, which led to the 100-senator caucus in the Old Senate Chamber and a much more harmonious proceeding than had been expected.

Daschle's success in holding Senate Democrats together during their years in the minority in the 1990s and again today has been accomplished not by intimidation--there was not much he can threaten them with--but by dialogue. He understands that colleagues will sometimes disagree with the party position, but he asks them not to go off the reservation without talking to him first--and then often gets them to agree to delay going public. As a result, Democrats who might be publicly committed to opposing the party often end up supporting it instead: inertia works for party unity. From 1995 to 2000 Daschle used the Senate rules allowing non-germane amendments to advantage, advancing to the floor Democratic proposals which test well in the polls--the minimum wage, prescription drugs for seniors, HMO regulation--even while using procedure to obstruct popular Republican measures to move forward.

The emergence of a 50-50 Senate and the election of George W. Bush--neither of them apparent until December 2000--made Daschle one of the pivotal figures in American politics. He was majority leader for 17 days, from January 3 to January 20, 2001, when the new Senate took office and the tie-breaking vote was still cast by Vice President Al Gore. But Daschle sensibly made no move to capitalize unduly on that temporary majority. Instead, by threatening to tie up Senate business for months, he forced Trent Lott to agree on January 5 to equal membership on all committees for both parties, with the proviso that on tied committee votes nominations and bills could be brought to the floor: both parties' ability to obstruct was reduced. From January to May 2001 he complained that Bush's pleas for bipartisan action were not matched by any willingness to negotiate with the Democratic leadership. He reacted sharply when Democrat Zell Miller, appointed in July 2000 to replace Republican Paul Coverdell, endorsed Bush's tax cut and backed Attorney General nominee John Ashcroft; Miller had broken Daschle's unwritten rule of not consulting with him first, and giving Daschle an opportunity to persuade him to delay any break with the party. He was angered when ranking Finance Committee Democrat Max Baucus worked out a bipartisan tax cut with Chairman Charles Grassley.

It was the tax cut, nevertheless, that led to Daschle regaining his post as majority leader. Vermont Republican James Jeffords had helped force Republicans to compromise on the tax cut, and Daschle and Democratic Whip Harry Reid reached out to Jeffords just as his relations with Republican leaders began to deteriorate. In May 2001 Jeffords announced he was becoming an Independent and would vote with Democrats to organize the Senate. Daschle now became majority leader and negotiated a new organizing resolution with Republicans. Democrats would have one-vote majorities on all committees and Daschle would be able to use the majority leader position to bring--or refuse to bring--legislation to the floor. Like Bush, he sounded a bipartisan note. But, also like Bush, he pursued partisan goals. He insisted on a floor vote on HMO regulation before the July 4 recess.

Then came September 11. Congressional leaders of both parties literally found themselves in the same bunker, feeling the same outrage at the attacks and the same determination to respond. When George W. Bush came to speak to Congress he hugged Daschle. Daschle, Lott, Speaker Dennis Hastert and Minority Leader Dick Gephardt met with Bush in weekly breakfasts and worked on legislation together. On October 15 a letter addressed to Daschle that contained anthrax was opened in his Hart Senate Office Building. He and his staff were tested and the building was closed for months. But the bipartisan mood didn't last. Daschle opposed the administration's stimulus package, and the Senate Finance Committee voted out a Democratic version November 9; Republicans used procedural votes to kill it November 14. Daschle said he was "disappointed" (his trademark word of disapproval) that the issue had become so "partisan." There was an impasse on the issue in December; Daschle said he would support a bill only if it had support from two-thirds of the Democratic Caucus. A $51 billion stimulus bill was eventually signed into law March 9; Daschle voted for it. Back in South Dakota, in December, a conservative group ran a TV ad showing next to each other pictures of Daschle and Saddam Hussein. In Washington, Daschle put more money for homeland security in the defense supplemental.

Partisan conflict became more visible. In December 2001 Dick Cheney said Daschle "unfortunately has decided … to be more of an obstructionist." In January 2002 Daschle delivered a speech arguing that the Bush tax cut "probably made the recession worse" and set the stage for "the most dramatic fiscal deterioration in our nation's history." In February 2002 he said of the situation in Afghanistan, "I don't think the success has been overstated, but the continued success, I think, is still somewhat in doubt. Clearly we've got to find Mohammed Omar. We've got to find Osama bin Laden … or we will have failed." Increasingly Republicans attacked Daschle for obstructionism and Democrats rallied to his defense. Ads ran in South Dakota attacking and backing him. In the meantime, Daschle in March 2002 pushed to passage the McCain-Feingold campaign finance regulation bill. Daschle also stepped in and took over bills from Democratic committee chairmen. After Max Baucus cooperated, while in the minority, on the Bush tax cut, Daschle reportedly threatened to take away his chairmanship if he made his own deal on prescription drug legislation. In October 2001 he snatched the energy bill from the Energy Committee when it appeared likely to approve oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. In December 2001 he arranged for another version to come to the floor, into which he inserted a provision tripling by 2012 the amount of ethanol refiners were required to produce; California and New York Democrats protested. In May 2002 he shaped the farm bill behind the scenes, increasing limits on subsidies and providing for higher loan rates. But on his own list of successes there were more instances of blocking Republican initiatives than advancing Democratic bills. The Senate never passed a budget resolution, for the first time since the budget process began in 1974. That meant that any prescription drug bill required 60 votes to pass; after long debate in July 2002, none was able to do so. In September 2002, in a widely publicized speech, he attacked the Bush economic policies as "tragic, deplorable, abysmal," but did not offer alternatives.

In June 2002 Bush called for a new Department of Homeland Security, something previously championed mostly by Democrats. But Bush said that the labor relations provisions of the Senate Democrats' bill were unacceptable. Sponsor Joe Lieberman and Daschle said they found it hard to believe that Bush would veto the bill over the issue, but Bush seemed implacable. "The Senate is more interested in special interests in Washington and not interested in the security of the American people," said Bush at a September 23 campaign appearance in New Jersey. Two days later Daschle rose in the Senate and spoke with evident anger, saying that Bush was "politicizing" the debate. This came two weeks after Bush's speech to the United Nations and his announcement that he would ask for congressional authorization of military action in Iraq. At first, in September, Daschle suggested that the Senate would not vote until after the election; this was interpreted by some as an attempt to shield Democrats up in 2002 from pressure to vote in favor. Shortly afterwards, Daschle said the Senate should debate only a few days and move on to other issues; this was interpreted by some as an attempt to shift attention to domestic issues on which Democrats were thought to have an advantage. Daschle encouraged Foreign Relations leaders Joseph Biden and Richard Lugar to write a resolution that would limit authorization to Iraq and removal of weapons of mass destruction. But on October 2 House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt, House and Senate Republicans and the White House agreed on a broader resolution, and Daschle's position was effectively undercut; Daschle cancelled his usual press conference that day. The Senate voted on the resolution October 11 and Daschle and his South Dakota colleague Tim Johnson, running about even in the polls with Republican challenger John Thune, were two of 29 Democrats to vote in favor. But the homeland security bill was the subject of continued debate, and no version passed the Senate before the election.

In June 2002 Daschle told National Journal, "I have one focus, and that focus is exclusively on maintaining a majority of the Senate--hopefully winning a couple of additional seats--and I will do whatever it takes, within the confines of what is prudent and appropriate, to accomplish that goal." But Daschle's insistence on solidarity with federal employees' unions on homeland security and his changes of course on an Iraq war resolution helped to undermine Democrats' credibility on national security. On Election Day Democrats picked up one seat in Arkansas but lost three in Georgia, Minnesota and Missouri; Tim Johnson held on by 524 votes. The next day Daschle's face was etched with disappointment. But, perhaps heeding some Democrats who argued that their party had not opposed Bush vociferously enough, he seemed determined to carry on, from the minority, much as before. In January 2003 he led Democrats in refusing to agree on divisions in committees and on staffs similar to those that obtained before 2001; he insisted on something more like the June 2001 organizing resolution. Senate Democrats embarked on a filibuster of a lower court nomination--the first in history. It was not clear whether, as minority leader, Daschle could or would rein in committee ranking Democrats as he had, as Majority Leader, committee chairmen. On March 17, 2003, as Bush was to address the nation that evening announcing a final 48-hour ultimatum to Saddam Hussein, Daschle said, "I'm saddened, saddened that this president failed so miserably at diplomacy that we're now forced to war. Saddened that we have to give up one life because this president couldn't create the kind of diplomatic effort that was so critical for our country." Republicans chastised him for criticizing the president at an inappropriate time.

Throughout his years as leader, Daschle has kept his eye on South Dakota issues. He was not able to stop the drastic revision of farm laws in 1996, but in 1998, as farm prices sagged, he helped put together a $6 billion package of emergency aid--the first of several annual disaster relief packages that delivered more money to farmers of favored crops than the old subsidy system. And he intervened to increase payments in the 2002 farm act. Into the defense appropriation in December 2001 he put a provision giving the federal government responsibility for environmental damage at the Homestake mine near Lead, which will help his project to build a national laboratory for subatomic particle research there. Into the defense supplemental in July 2002 he inserted a provision exempting South Dakota from environmental regulations and lawsuits against logging operations to thin forest after disastrous forest fires; Republicans from Rocky Mountain states complained that they wanted similar provisions for their states too, which Daschle, at the behest of environmental restriction groups, did not back.

Daschle has made a practice of traveling each year, usually in August, to all 66 South Dakota counties; he sometimes just drives by himself, dressed casually, and over coffee or at gas stations asks voters about their concerns. He was reelected by wide margins in 1992 and 1998 against lightly funded opponents. In 1998 he was helped by solid support from Republican Governor Bill Janklow, who was cruising to reelection himself.

But he may have more trouble winning reelection in 2004. In 2001 and 2002 he was one of several national Democrats considering running for president; he promised a decision after the 2002 election. In February 2002 the Republican legislature passed and Janklow signed a bill prohibiting anyone for running for president and another office; Daschle said, "Under no circumstances would I ever run for both offices, the presidency and the Senate." In December 2002 his aides started interviewing staffers for a presidential campaign and set up media interviews. But on January 7 he announced he would not run for president. "To be honest, I came very close to deciding in favor of running," he said, but late on the night before he decided not to. Standing in the Capitol he said, "I'm not going to run for president because my passion is right here."

He did say that he would run for reelection to the Senate. But some are not sure; in November 2002, after Democrats lost their Senate majority, South Dakota's premier political reporter, Dave Kranz of the Sioux Falls Argus-Leader, wrote that "betting people who are close to him think he won't seek reelection to a fourth term." The example of his predecessor as Democratic leader, George Mitchell, may be tantalizing: Mitchell retired in 1994, when he could easily have won reelection, and has since taken an important part in public affairs while making an excellent living as a Washington lawyer-lobbyist. And it is not clear that Daschle could win easily. True, his colleague and friend Tim Johnson did win in 2002, but by only 524 votes. Republican candidate John Thune was urged by other Republicans to contest the election, but he refused to do so. Thune's favorable ratings continue to be very high, and Republican polls in November 2002 and March 2003 showed Thune 1% to 2% ahead of Daschle--the same kind of dead heat in almost every poll taken during the Johnson-Thune race. If Thune runs he will have the advantage of all-out support from the Bush White House and fundraising prowess as great as Daschle's, assets that none of Daschle's previous opponents have had. And George W. Bush, who carried South Dakota 60%-38% in 2000, will be at the top of the ballot. All of this is not to say that Daschle cannot win. He is hard-working and disciplined, he has built up good will with South Dakota voters over many years and he will have strong financial backing. But this man whose congressional career began when he won by 139 votes and whose career as Democratic leader began when he won by one vote may be facing the race of his life.

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DC Office
509 HSOB 20510, 202-224-2321; Fax: 202-224-7895; Web site: daschle.senate.gov

State Offices
Aberdeen, 605-225-8823; Rapid City,605-348-7551; Sioux Falls,605-334-9596.

Committees

• Minority Leader
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• Agriculture, Nutrition & Forestry: Forestry, Conservation & Rural Revitalization; Production & Price Competitiveness.
• Finance: Health Care; International Trade; Social Security & Family Policy.
• Rules & Administration.

Group Ratings (More Info)
	ADA	ACLU	AFS	LCV	CON	ITIC	NTU	COC	ACU	NTLC	CHC
2002	85	60	75	59	36	75	18	58	22	0	--
2001	100	--	100	88	--	--	6	43	8	--	0

National Journal Ratings (More Info)
	2001 LIB	--	2001 CONS		2002 LIB	--	2002 CONS
Economic	82%	--	15%		73%	--	20%
Social	81%	--	8%		68%	--	28%
Foreign	74%	--	14%		59%	--	38%
For National Journal's complete 2002 Vote Ratings, as well as previous ratings dating back to 1995, please click here.

Key Votes Of The 107th Congress (More Info)
1. Approve Bush Tax Cuts N 2. Expand Patients' Rights Y 3. Campaign Finance Reform Y 4. Permit ANWR Development N 5. Confirm Ashcroft as AG N 6. Bar Gays in the Boy Scouts N		7. $ for Hate Crime Prosecution N  8. Overseas Military Abortions Y  9. Bar Coop. with Intl. Court N 10. Trade Promotion Authority Y 11. Authorize Force in Iraq Y 12. Homeland Sec. Dept. Union Y

Election Results (More Info)
	Candidate	Total Votes	Percent	Expenditures
1998 general	Tom Daschle (D)	162,884	62%	$4,861,541
	Ron Schmidt (R)	95,431	36%	$492,854
	Other	3,796	1%
1998 primary	Tom Daschle (D)	unopposed
1992 general	Tom Daschle (D)	217,095	65%	$3,981,548
	Charlene Haar (R)	108,733	33%	$478,421
	Other	8,667	3%
Prior winning percentages: 1986 (52%); 1984 House (57%); 1982 House (52%); 1980 House (66%); 1978 House (50%)