Assumed office, Aug. 1991, term expires Jan. 2003 Born: Nov. 17, 1948, New York, NY Home: Burlington Education: Yale U., B.A. 1971, Albert Einstein Col. of Medicine, M.D. 1978 Religion: Congregationalist Marital Status: married (Judith)

Career:

• Political: VT House of Reps, 1982-86; VT Lt. Gov., 1986-91.
• Professional: Practicing physician, 1981-91; Chmn., Natl. Govs. Assn., 1994-95; Chmn., Dem. Govs. Assn., 1997.

Office: Pavilion State Office Bldg., 109 State St., Montpelier 05609, 802-828-3333; Web: www.gov.state.vt.us.

Howard Dean grew up in Easthampton, Long Island, and came to Vermont after medical school for his residency; he and his wife started a medical practice in Shelburne in 1981. He was elected to the state legislature in 1982 and lieutenant governor in 1986; when Republican Governor Richard Snelling died suddenly in August 1991, Dean was given the news (while he was treating a patient) that he had become governor. Pleasant and articulate, he is probably one of the four or five most liberal governors on cultural issues, though he likes to say that he is the most fiscally conservative Vermont governor in 40 years.

Much of Dean's work has been on health care. In 1992 he tried to create a universal health insurance system, but it was rejected by the legislature in 1993, foreshadowing the fate of the Clinton health care plan. But he still says that "it is my view that health insurance ought to be universal, the right of every citizen in Vermont," and has tried to make that a reality step by step. He promoted an early childhood development program, offering home visits to babies, and his Dr. Dynasaur program guarantees free medical and dental care for children in families who make under $50,000. Adults with incomes below 150% of the poverty line get medical coverage for a nominal fee; health insurance companies must offer policies at the same cost to all, regardless of age or medical history. In 2000 he got Clinton Administration approval for making more elderly and middle-income people eligible for Medicaid so they could get prescription drug coverage at a 30% discount. As Dean admits, such reforms are easier in Vermont, with its small population and low poverty rates.

On education, Dean was prompted by a 1997 state Supreme Court ruling to get the legislature to pass Act 60, which levied a statewide property tax to provide each school district with $5,010 per student; taxes would be limited to 2% of income for those earning under $75,000. Half the districts would pay more property tax, half less. Districts wishing to raise money beyond that are required to donate a percentage of revenues to the state sharing pool--the shark pool, to Act 60 opponents--which ladles it out to other districts. But many strongly opposed the measure, some because it raised taxes, some because of fear of loss of local control. Dean has supported a limited school choice bill and, after a hazing incident forced cancellation of the University of Vermont's hockey season, an anti-hazing bill.

On welfare Dean has supported a 20-hour work requirement and the caseload has dropped about 40%. He wants to use state tax credits to encourage Vermonters to buy electric cars and has sought to get other states to join the Northeast Dairy Compact. When the state developed a large surplus in 2000--likely to balloon with capital gains from the sale of Ben and Jerry's to Unilever--he wanted to use the money to pay for projects usually funded by bonds, and not for a tax cut. Dean was a strong supporter of Vermont's 1997 campaign finance law, with its tight spending and contribution limits. But the day before the law took effect, he contributed $150,000 from his campaign treasury to the Democratic Party and, when a federal court overturned some of the provisions in 2000, he took his campaign out from under the law and raised and spent far more than its limits.

Dean was re-elected easily three times, with 75% in 1992, 69% in 1994 and 71% in 1996; Vermont and New Hampshire are the last states with two-year gubernatorial terms. But in 1998 and 2000 he got more vigorous opposition from Republican legislator Ruth Dwyer. She said she was on the side of the ''forgotten Vermonter,'' opposed Act 60, and attacked Act 250 for squelching development where economically ailing local communities wanted it. She opposed Dean's proposal to expand childcare subsidies to higher-income families: It was against flinty self-reliance. This was a frontal attack on Vermont's governance over the past 30 years, and it struck something of a chord. Little known, poorly financed, Dwyer held Dean to a 56%-41% margin--by no means a defeat but far below his previous showings--and Democrats lost 12 seats in the state House.

In 2000 Dwyer came back again, this time better financed--she spent almost as much as Dean--and with an additional issue, the civil unions bill passed forced by the Supreme Court on the legislature and signed by Dean. She had opposition from a moderate Republican and prevailed 58%-41% in the September primary. Also running, as the nominee of the new Progressive Party of Vermont, was Anthony Pollina, who attacked Dean for abandoning universal health care in 1993 and prescription drug price controls in 2000, and stayed within Vermont's public campaign financing when Dean and Dwyer opted out. He said health care was a right and that school taxes should be based on income, not property.

Dwyer was an abrasive opponent. She charged that Dean offered bribes to push the civil unions bill in the legislature, but retreated later and said she was speaking from her own earlier experience in the state House. She attacked Dean's wife for not accepting Medicaid patients; evidently her medical group dropped one HMO in 1998 which had some Medicaid enrollees. She called for rolling back environmental regulations, reducing the government role in health care and school vouchers. She charged that Vermont was getting low grades on education scorecards. In a debate, Dean pointedly asked, "Where does tolerance fit into a Dwyer view?" She replied, "Governor, I wish you cared enough about the people of Vermont to stick to the issues and not bring up irrelevant things."

Dean's greatest problem turned out to be that Vermont requires its governors to win 50% of the vote; otherwise they are elected by the legislature, in which Republicans made significant gains. Dean won 50.4%-38%, with 10% for Pollina. So he was only narrowly elected, yet overall it was a clear rejection of Dwyer and the Take Back Vermont movement. Dwyer carried Catholics, who used to be the Democratic base, 48%-41%; the local bishop strongly opposed the civil unions law. She lost Protestants 49%-42% and those with no religion 61%-21%. She carried high school graduates 49%-41%, but lost college graduates 54%-32% and those with postgraduate degrees 69%-23%--the new Vermont speaking. She ran even among the elderly but far behind among those under 60. Most Vermonters clearly accepted, though they might not have initially voted for, civil unions. Dean said, "The number one task of the next governor is to establish a dialogue" on civil unions, because "we can't continue as a state where the feelings are so strong on either side."

Cook's Call:
Probably Safe. The conventional wisdom has been that if Republicans were going to knock off Dean, it would have occurred last cycle when he was under fire for signing civil unions legislation, but he survived a spirited three-way race with 50%. There has been some recent polling that suggests that Vermont voters may be ready for a change and Republican interest in the race has increased. State Treasurer Jim Douglas and former state Human Services Secretary Cornelius Hogan are seeking the party's nomination.

Election Results
2000 general	Howard Dean (D)	148,059	(50%)
	Ruth Dwyer (R)	111,359	(38%)
	Anthony Pollina (PRG)	28,116	(10%)
	Other	5,939	(2%)
2000 primary	Howard Dean (D)	31,366	(84%)
	Brian Pearl (D)	4,357	(12%)
	Other	1,446	(4%)
1998 general	Howard Dean (D)	121,425	(56%)
	Ruth Dwyer (R)	89,726	(41%)
	Other	6,969	(3%)