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Chris Christie's Summer of Self-Promotion Chris Christie's Summer of Self-Promotion

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Chris Christie's Summer of Self-Promotion


New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie jokes with a member of a large gathering at a town-hall meeting in East Hanover, N.J.(AP Photo/Mel Evans)

As speculation builds around Chris Christie's role in the upcoming fall presidential campaign, New Jersey residents have been treated to what the governor calls his "Endless Summer Tax Relief Tour." Barnstorming the state, Christie has been slamming "Corzine Democrats" in the Legislature for refusing to enact his proposed income tax cut. It's part and parcel of his "Jersey Comeback" narrative, which the governor recites ad nauseum in front of admiring national audiences.

The Jersey Comeback story goes something like this: Having inherited a state on the brink of bankruptcy, Christie cut state spending; held the line on taxes; fixed the state's unfunded pension liability; and took on the vested interests that have so long made Trenton a den of dysfunction. In short, tough-guy Christie took a bat to the bad guys and saved hardworking taxpayers from economic ruin.


It's a great story, made more powerful by an unpopular foil (Jon Corzine) and a deferential national press corps. It also happens to be completely untrue. Christie certainly brings an unusual disposition to the governor's office. But in every other way, he has proven just as unwilling (or unable) as his predecessors to confront the structural barriers to meaningful reform. And that is the real tragedy of his governorship. First, let's dispense with a few myths.

Myth 1: Budget cuts. Christie claims to have cut spending. He has not. Jon Corzine's last budget came in at $28.84 billion (it was originally appropriated at $28.9 billion, but mid-cycle cuts made by both governors brought down spending by roughly $100 million). The 2013 budget, which Christie signed into law last month, is $31.7 billion. In fact, all three of Christie's budgets have been larger than Corzine's last one.

Myth 2: Tax cuts. Christie consistently claims that he held the line on taxes. But under Christie, the average net property tax bill has increased by 20 percent, largely because of the governor's deep cuts to the state's direct rebate program. At the same time, the state sales and income tax rates remain fixed at precisely the same levels as under Corzine.


Myth 3: Unfunded pension liabilities. Christie enacted important reforms that increased both the rate of employee contributions and the age at which government workers may collect their full pensions. But he imitated prior governors by drastically underpaying the state's actuarially required contribution to the pension fund. Over four years, the Corzine administration underfunded the system by $6.4 billion. In just three years, Christie has underfunded it by roughly $8.2 billion. And he still has a year left to go. True, Christie enacted new legislation making it impossible for future governors to short the ARC. But that law doesn't come into full effect until the end of the next gubernatorial term. That's called kicking the can down the road.

To be clear, none of this makes Christie worse than most New Jersey governors. But if the governor's definition of a "Corzine Democrat" is someone who increases spending, raises taxes, and incurs long-term debt, then Christie is the biggest Corzine Democrat of them all.

The truth is of course more nuanced than that. Although he has skillfully cultivated a reputation for confronting tough problems, Christie has proven just as unwilling as his predecessors to unravel the thick web of local government that makes the state such a frustrating place to live.

New Jersey has 21 counties, 565 municipalities, 603 school districts, and countless other units of government, each with its own taxing and spending authority. Because the delivery of services is so decentralized, New Jersey residents pay a heavy property tax burden at the local level to fund a highly inefficient and redundant system.


As my former boss, Jon Corzine, used to explain the problem: New York City and New Jersey have roughly the same population. New York City has one police department; New Jersey has more than 500. That's a lot of police chiefs and squad cars. That's why, in 2009, New Jersey had more police per 10,000 population than every state except Louisiana (as well as Washington, D.C.). That's why, in New Jersey, the average police salary is over $90,000--the highest rate of pay in the nation. In more than 100 towns, the median police salary is in the six figures.

Police are just one example, and it would be grossly unfair to lay the problem solely at their door. Local governments employ tens of thousands of non-uniformed employees and dole out contracts to lawyers, engineers, accountants, insurance brokers, and miscellaneous professionals. The costs add up quickly, and there is no economy of scale.

This year, residents will pay about $21 billion in state income, sales and corporate taxes. But they will also pay $25 billion in local property taxes, the proceeds of which are divided among their home counties, municipalities, and school districts. Christie's tax cut plan would award each resident a state tax credit against his state income taxes equal to 10 percent of his property tax bill (capped at $1,000). If you pay the state median property tax of $7,519, you get a credit on your New Jersey income taxes equal to $751.90.

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