Perry's Widespread Appeal In Texas

My column this week sounded a bullish note on the primary and general election prospects of Texas Gov. Rick Perry, the latest Republican presidential flavor of the month, but one who looks to have real staying power.

The prevailing conventional wisdom currently is that Perry, with his Texas swagger and outspoken conservatism, is a solid candidate but will have challenges appealing to the suburban, independent voters who traditionally decide elections. Indeed, his biggest challenge is whether he can appeal to what my colleague Ron Brownstein has defined the "managerial class" - white-collar, college-educated voters who may blanche at some of the more conservative elements within the Republican party.

A look at exit polls in his most recent campaign for governor of Texas, though, shows he performed very competitively among the managerial class in his 2010 campaign against Democrat Bill White, a Houston mayor with strong business bona fides himself.

Perry handily won the college-educated and postgraduate demographic, winning 56 percent. In fact, he was one of the few Republican candidates in any state to win over postgraduates, who traditionally vote heavily for Democrats. He won 56 percent of the independent vote, which makes up about one-third of the Texas electorate, though he had little crossover appeal, winning 5 percent of Democrats and 90 percent of Republicans.

He dominated in the suburbs, winning 60 percent of the vote, and performed well for a Republican in the cities, capturing 43 percent against a popular Houston mayor. Cities in Texas are somewhat more Republican than in other more liberal states, but his tally is still a solid showing.

He's not an immigration hardliner, and has performed well among Hispanic voters in his home state. A solid 38 percent backed him over White, and among those who believe illegal immigrants should receive a pathway to citizenship, Perry won 42 percent of the vote. All told, the numbers present a picture of a governor who at the end of three full terms has broad appeal in his home state - among both the managerial and populist class. It's also important to underscore that just because he's broadly popular in Texas doesn't automatically mean it will translate across the country. Perry's demographic splits in Texas are similar to Arizona Sen. John McCain's in the 2008 presidential race (both won 55 percent of the vote), and we know how he performed nationwide against President Obama. The one notable number that could be a warning sign - he's long relied on heavy support from the state's evangelical base. Among the third of the electorate who are born-again evangelicals, Perry won a whopping 84 percent of the vote. Among non-evangelicals, he tallied only 42 percent. His biggest test early on will be to prove he can compete in non-evangelical states - namely, New Hampshire, one of the most secular Republican electorates in the country. His campaign's focus on the state suggests he feels he can compete and if he can, the concern over his ability to win over suburbanites is probably overstated. If he sinks in New Hampshire, though, it would raise credible concerns about his general election appeal.

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