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Republican

Sen. Roy Blunt (R)

Leadership: Republican Conference Vice Chairman
Roy Blunt Contact
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Email: n/a
DC Contact Information

Phone: 202-224-5721

Address: 260 RSOB, DC 20510

State Office Contact Information

Phone: (816) 471-7141

Address: 911 Main Street, Kansas City MO 64105

Columbia MO

Phone: (573) 442-8151

Fax: (573) 442-8162

Address: 1001 Cherry Street, Columbia MO 65201

Springfield MO

Phone: (417) 877-7814

Fax: (417) 823-9662

Address: 2740-B East Sunshine Street, Springfield MO 65804-2407

Clayton MO

Phone: (314) 725-4484

Fax: (314) 727-3548

Address: 7700 Bonhomme Avenue, Clayton MO 63105

Cape Girardeau MO

Phone: (573) 334-7044

Fax: (573) 334-7352

Address: 2502 Tanner Drive, Cape Girardeau MO 63703-5700

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Roy Blunt Committees
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Roy Blunt Biography
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  • Elected: 2010, term expires 2016, 1st term.
  • State: Missouri
  • Born: Jan. 10, 1950, Niangua
  • Home: Strafford
  • Education:

    SW Baptist U., B.A. 1970, SW MO St. U., M.A. 1972

  • Professional Career:

    H.S. teacher, 1970–73; Greene Cnty. clerk, 1973–85; Adjunct instructor, Drury Col., 1976–82; Pres., SW Baptist U., 1993–96.

  • Political Career:

    MO secy. of state, 1984–93; U.S. House, 1997-2011.

  • Ethnicity: White/Caucasian
  • Religion:

    Baptist

  • Family: Married (Abigail Blunt); 4 children

Republican Roy Blunt was elected in 2010 as Missouri’s junior senator to replace retiring Sen. Christopher (Kit) Bond, also a Republican. A former House majority whip and majority leader with a smooth manner and solid contacts in the lobbying world, Blunt swiftly entered the Senate’s GOP leadership ranks, becoming vice chairman of the Republican Conference. He took over the chairmanship of the Rules and Administration Committee in 2015. Read More

Republican Roy Blunt was elected in 2010 as Missouri’s junior senator to replace retiring Sen. Christopher (Kit) Bond, also a Republican. A former House majority whip and majority leader with a smooth manner and solid contacts in the lobbying world, Blunt swiftly entered the Senate’s GOP leadership ranks, becoming vice chairman of the Republican Conference. He took over the chairmanship of the Rules and Administration Committee in 2015.

Blunt grew up on a dairy farm near Springfield, Mo. His father was a state representative, who won election in 1978 by defeating the mother of Sen. Claire McCaskill, D-Mo. In 1970, Blunt graduated from Southwest Baptist University, 25 miles north of Springfield. He later taught history and government at the high school and college levels. He got his start in politics in 1972, when he volunteered for Republican John Ashcroft’s unsuccessful campaign for Congress. In 1973, then GOP Gov. Bond named the 23-year-old Blunt to be Greene County clerk.

Republican Sen. John Danforth asked him in 1980 to run for lieutenant governor, but Blunt lost. In 1984, he was elected Missouri secretary of state, the first Republican to win that office in half a century; he was reelected in 1988. In 1992, he ran for governor and lost the Republican primary to William Webster, 44%-39%. Blunt then became president of Southwest Baptist University, his alma mater.

In 1996, when Rep. Mel Hancock, R-Mo., retired, Blunt ran for the open House seat and won with 65% of the vote. He was reelected easily every two years after that, and in 2009 began to focus on a Senate campaign in earnest after Bond announced in February he would not seek reelection to a fifth term. In the spring, Blunt won the primary without breaking a sweat after potentially competitive opponents Sarah Steelman, the former state treasurer, and Thomas Schweich, a Washington University law professor who had Danforth’s backing, opted out. State Sen. Chuck Purgason did run and tried to create momentum with an appeal to tea party activists. But Blunt easily prevailed in the August primary with 71% of the vote. Danforth and Schweich both endorsed Blunt, unifying Missouri Republicans for the battle ahead.

The fall campaign was the real contest. Blunt faced Secretary of State Robin Carnahan, the daughter of a former senator and a governor who had instant name recognition. Blunt did his best to tie Carnahan to President Barack Obama and the Democratic policies unpopular with conservative voters. His opposition to the Obama-backed health care overhaul played well for him on the campaign trail, and his ads featured images of Carnahan with Obama at a Kansas City fundraiser. Carnahan tried to paint Blunt as the insider in the race, but her family ties—her grandfather was in Congress, her father was governor, and her brother, Russ, served in the House—made it difficult for her to be seen as an outsider.

Blunt had his own family and lobbying connections to defend. Carnahan ran an ad featuring a Fox News clip in which anchor Chris Wallace mentioned Blunt inserting a favorable provision into a bill that favored tobacco companies while dating tobacco lobbyist Abigail Perlman, whom he later married. It appeared to have mattered little to Missouri voters in a year in which Obama’s popularity sharply dropped. The race began as a close contest, but on Election Night, Blunt won 54% to 41%.

In the Senate, Blunt moved into a Russell Building office that had formerly been occupied by a famous Missourian: Harry Truman, then a Democratic senator and later president. He has been committed to advancing the interests of the Republican-oriented business establishment, to which his family ties extend beyond his wife's. His son, Matt, is a former Missouri governor who is president of the American Automotive Policy Council, which represents the Big Three automakers. Another son, Andrew, has been a lobbyist for such clients as AT&T, MillerCoors, Motorola and American Airlines. And a daughter, Amy, has worked as a lobbyist in Kansas City.

The Blunts say they don't mix business with family matters; Abigail Blunt, who formally abstained from lobbying the House when her husband served there, filed federal disclosure forms in 2011 saying she would not lobby the Senate. But public-interest groups have criticized the senator on occasion for what they say are his overly cozy industry ties. In 2013, he attached a rider to an agriculture spending bill intended to protect St. Louis-based Monsanto's efforts to plant genetically modified crops against Agriculture Department court challenges. The Center for Food Safety decried the provision as "corporate welfare," and the liberal magazine Mother Jones dubbed Blunt "Monsanto's Man in Washington." Blunt told Politico that he worked closely with Hawaii Democratic Sen. Daniel Inouye, who before his death in late 2012 was interested in protecting the company's operations in Hawaii. 

At the outset of the 114th Congress (2015-16), one of Blunt's priorities was to pay for deteriorating roads, bridges and other infrastructure without raising taxes. He joined a bipartisan group of lawmakers that looked to give corporations a tax break on profits earned overseas, with the resulting federal revenue used to replenish the Highway Trust Fund and create a new American Infrastructure Fund. He also reintroduced the bipartisan "Hire More Heroes Act," which would allow businesses to exclude some veterans from the Affordable Care Act's employer mandate.

Blunt's voting record is conservative, but he differs from the tea party-oriented Republicans who take a dim view of government spending. After a tornado in May 2011 devastated the town of Joplin, Mo., and killed 159 people, Blunt pushed for a strong federal relief effort to help the battered community. (Blunt represented Joplin when he was in the House.) When House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Va. suggested that payment for recovery should be offset with other budget cuts, Blunt told Politico, “We need to prioritize spending, and this needs to be a priority.” Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney asked Blunt in September 2011 to be his primary liaison to the House and Senate to win support from lawmakers, an encore in a job he had done for George W. Bush in 2000. His wife, Abigail, who headed government relations for Kraft Foods, became one of the Romney campaign’s “bundlers” to gather checks from other supporters.

Blunt’s most prominent legislative move during his first two years was his sponsorship in February 2012 of an amendment that would allow employers to exclude any insurance benefit that they deem immoral. His action came after Obama proposed a new contraception coverage rule in response to complaints from religious groups. Blunt and other supporters tried to frame the issue as one of religious freedom. But the move rallied women’s groups, who said the amendment would have allowed employers to choose women’s health care options based on the employer’s moral beliefs. The amendment was voted down 51-48, with three Democrats joining Republicans in backing it and one GOP senator, Maine’s Olympia Snowe, siding with Democrats against it.

Blunt got a seat on the powerful Appropriations Committee and took over as ranking Republican on its agriculture subcommittee. In 2015, he became chairman of the panel overseeing the Labor, Health and Human Services and Education departments. And he took a seat on the Intelligence Committee, a panel on which he had earlier served.

In October 2011, he cosponsored a bill with Sen. Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, that would exempt poultry manure from Superfund regulatory laws. He reached across the aisle to cosponsor a bill with Sen. Herb Kohl, D-Wis., that would restore tax credits for hybrid trucks and electric vehicles. When Russian President Vladimir Putin announced in December 2012 he would ban U.S. adoptions of Russian children in retaliation for a law enabling the Obama administration to target Russian human rights violators, Blunt led an effort to persuade Putin to allow adoptions that had been completed, telling a personal story about he and his wife adopting their Russian son.

During a leadership reshuffling in late 2011, Blunt announced he would run for an open slot as the vice chairman of the Republican Conference, setting up a faceoff against Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., another freshman who wanted the job. The race was portrayed as a battle of the two wings of the Republican Party—the establishment, business-friendly Blunt versus the tea party insurgent Johnson. Despite Johnson’s efforts to pitch himself as a much-needed fresh conservative face, Blunt prevailed in a secret ballot that reportedly was 25-22 in his favor.

In his 14 years in the House, Blunt had a solidly conservative voting record, with intermittent moves toward the center on social issues. In 2006, he won passage of his Combat Meth Act, the first comprehensive approach to fighting the supply of methamphetamine. With then Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., Blunt sponsored a measure creating an Internet database of federal spending. His greater impact was in his leadership roles in the House, which gave him a say in shaping the major legislation produced by the Republican majority from 1995 to 2006. For much of that time, Blunt had senior jobs in leadership, and from 2003 to 2008, he was the Republican whip. In 1999, Blunt was one of the 10 original members of then Texas Gov. George W. Bush’s presidential exploratory committee. Bush called him “a leader who knows how to raise his sights and lower his voice.”

Blunt’s rise in leadership began in early 1999, when Republican Whip Tom DeLay, R-Texas, plucked him from the ranks of deputy whips and made him his chief deputy whip, an important leadership stepping stone. On a number of issues, Blunt’s job was to make certain that bills the leadership hoped to pass were palatable to conservatives, who often objected to compromises aimed at giving legislation broader appeal. Blunt spent a good deal of time meeting with lobbyists and organizing groups around issues such as trade, taxes, and energy. He had a reputation as a good listener with a light touch, and he paid attention to party moderates, who were then a larger share of the House GOP Conference. He also raised substantial sums for GOP candidates. When Majority Leader Dick Armey announced that he would retire in 2002, DeLay moved up to replace him, which left the post of whip available for Blunt.

For the most part, Blunt was successful as whip. He met his toughest challenge in passing the 2003 bill to create a prescription drug benefit as part of the Medicare program. In a highly controversial vote lasting nearly three hours, he was able to persuade two Republicans to switch their votes. He ran into a couple of low points in this tenure as well. In 2002, the leadership was embarrassed by disclosures that Blunt had quietly inserted into a homeland security bill a provision benefiting Philip Morris, a tobacco giant with strong political ties to the whip. He also was considered less than a complete success during the period he temporarily help two top leadership posts, as whip and as majority leader, a situation created when DeLay was forced to step down as majority leader after being indicted by a Texas grand jury.

It was too heavy a burden for Blunt, especially because the House was dealing with the devastating impact of Hurricane Katrina in the South. During the next three months, Republicans struggled to pass bills in the House. In January 2006, after DeLay announced that he would permanently give up his post as leader, Blunt positioned himself to take over and, after a week of lobbying his colleagues, claimed that he had the votes to win. His assertion proved to be a bluff. John Boehner of Ohio was aggressively campaigning against him, and the multiple DeLay controversies involving well-heeled lobbyists had indirectly hurt Blunt, who was viewed as being too cozy with Washington’s vaunted K Street. In a dramatic showdown, Boehner prevailed, 122-109, over Blunt, who suffered the double indignity of losing his bid and looking like a whip who couldn’t count his votes.

However, Blunt remained in the leadership as whip and developed a smooth working relationship with Boehner. When House Republicans lost their majority in November 2006, Blunt became the minority whip. In September 2008, Boehner gave him the thankless job of negotiating the $700 billion financial bailout bill, which proved to be wildly unpopular with fellow Republicans. After Republicans suffered big electoral losses in 2008, Blunt stepped down from his whip position to make way for Cantor.

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Roy Blunt Election Results
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2010 General
Roy Blunt (R)
Votes: 1,054,160
Percent: 54.23%
Robin Carnahan
Votes: 789,736
Percent: 40.63%
Jonathan Dine
Votes: 58,663
Percent: 3.02%
Jerry Beck
Votes: 41,309
Percent: 2.13%
2010 Primary
Roy Blunt (R)
Votes: 411,040
Percent: 70.95%
Chuck Purgason
Votes: 75,663
Percent: 13.06%
Kristi Nichols
Votes: 40,744
Percent: 7.03%
Prior Winning Percentages
House: 2008 (68%), 2006 (67%), 2004 (70%), 2002 (75%), 2000 (74%), 1998 (73%), 1996 (65%)
Roy Blunt Votes and Bills
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National Journal’s rating system is an objective method of analyzing voting. The liberal score means that the lawmaker’s votes were more liberal than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The conservative score means his votes were more conservative than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The composite score is an average of a lawmaker’s six issue-based scores. See all NJ Voting

More Liberal
More Conservative
2013 2012 2011
Economic 35 (L) : 62 (C) 35 (L) : 62 (C) 43 (L) : 56 (C)
Social 35 (L) : 64 (C) 8 (L) : 90 (C) 33 (L) : 64 (C)
Foreign 35 (L) : 64 (C) 39 (L) : 60 (C) 30 (L) : 69 (C)
Composite 35.8 (L) : 64.2 (C) 28.3 (L) : 71.7 (C) 36.2 (L) : 63.8 (C)
Interest Group Ratings

The vote ratings by 10 special interest groups provide insight into a lawmaker’s general ideology and the degree to which he or she agrees with the group’s point of view. Two organizations provide just one combined rating for 2011 and 2012, the two sessions of the 112th Congress. They are the ACLU and the ITIC. About the interest groups.

20112012
FRC71100
LCV021
CFG6758
ITIC-88
NTU7559
20112012
COC100-
ACLU-25
ACU7072
ADA2010
AFSCME0-
Key Senate Votes

The key votes show how a member of Congress voted on the major bills of the year. N indicates a "no" vote; Y a "yes" vote. If a member voted "present" or was absent, the bill caption is not shown. For a complete description of the bills included in key votes, see the Almanac's Guide to Usage.

    • End fiscal cliff
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Block faith exemptions
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve gas pipeline
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve farm bill
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Let cyber bill proceed
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Block Gitmo transfers
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Raise debt limit
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Pass balanced budget amendment
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Stop EPA climate regulations
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Proceed to Cordray vote
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Require talking filibuster
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Limit Fannie/Freddie
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
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