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Republican

Sen. Pat Roberts (R)

Pat Roberts Contact
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Email: n/a
DC Contact Information

Phone: 202-224-4774

Address: 109 HSOB, DC 20510

State Office Contact Information

Phone: (913) 451-9343

Address: 11900 College Boulevard, Overland Park KS 66210-3939

Topeka KS

Phone: (785) 295-2745

Fax: (785) 235-3665

Address: 444 SE Quincy Street, Topeka KS 66683-3599

Wichita KS

Phone: (316) 263-0416

Fax: (316) 263-0273

Address: 155 North Market Street, Wichita KS 67202-1802

Dodge City KS

Phone: (620) 227-2244

Fax: (620) 227-2264

Address: 100 Military Plaza, Dodge City KS 67801-4990

Pat Roberts Staff
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Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Mueller, Emily
Senior Health Policy Advisor
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Mueller, Emily
Senior Health Policy Advisor
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Ballou, Christin
Administrative Director
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Lintz, Gilda
District Director
Little, Sarah
Communications Director
Moyer, Jensine
Scheduler; Executive Assistant
Mueller, Emily
Senior Health Policy Advisor
Page, Peggy
Correspondence Manager
Sharp, Kay
Director of Constituent Services and Outreach
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Stones, Harold
Kansas Special Projects Director
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Tenpenny, Chad
State Director; Counsel
Thompson, Mel
State Agriculture Representative
Wellman, Emily
District Representative
Wells, Bryan
Staff Assistant
Woods, Tamara
Deputy State Director
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Khrestin, Theda
National Security Policy Advisor
Mueller, Emily
Senior Health Policy Advisor
Fett, Melissa
Legislative Aide
Little, Sarah
Communications Director
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Tenpenny, Chad
State Director; Counsel
Ballou, Christin
Administrative Director
Lintz, Gilda
District Director
Sharp, Kay
Director of Constituent Services and Outreach
Stones, Harold
Kansas Special Projects Director
Tenpenny, Chad
State Director; Counsel
Woods, Tamara
Deputy State Director
Moyer, Jensine
Scheduler; Executive Assistant
Allen, Chris
Senior Legislative Assistant
Haug, Emily
Legislative Assistant
Stockwell, Lauren
Legislative Assistant; Intern Coordinator
Stoskopf, Wayne
Agriculture Legislative Assistant
Yurek, Joshua
Legislative Assistant
Guries, Darin
Deputy Legislative Director
Page, Peggy
Correspondence Manager
Thompson, Mel
State Agriculture Representative
Wellman, Emily
District Representative
Moyer, Jensine
Scheduler; Executive Assistant
Wells, Bryan
Staff Assistant
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Pat Roberts Committees
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Rules & Administration (Ranking member)
Pat Roberts Biography
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  • Elected: 1996, term expires 2014, 3rd term.
  • State: Kansas
  • Born: Apr. 20, 1936, Topeka
  • Home: Dodge City
  • Education:

    KS St. U., B.A. 1958

  • Professional Career:

    Co–owner & editor, The Westsider (AZ newspaper) 1962–67; A.A., U.S. Sen. Frank Carlson, 1967–68; A.A., U.S. Rep. Keith Sebelius, 1968–80.

  • Military Career:

    Marine Corps, 1958–62.

  • Political Career:

    U.S. House of Reps., 1980–96.

  • Ethnicity: White/Caucasian
  • Religion:

    United Methodist

  • Family: Married (Franki); 3 children

Republican Pat Roberts, first elected in 1996, is the senior senator from Kansas. He is often compared to fellow Kansan and former Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole for his blunt plain-spokenness and acerbic wit—staffers in an annual Washingtonian magazine survey regularly vote him among the funniest senators. But Roberts is more conservative than Dole and has shunned the leadership ranks to make his mark on agricultural and national security issues. Read More

Republican Pat Roberts, first elected in 1996, is the senior senator from Kansas. He is often compared to fellow Kansan and former Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole for his blunt plain-spokenness and acerbic wit—staffers in an annual Washingtonian magazine survey regularly vote him among the funniest senators. But Roberts is more conservative than Dole and has shunned the leadership ranks to make his mark on agricultural and national security issues.

His abolitionist great-grandfather, Roberts likes to say, “arrived in Kansas with a flat-bed press, a six-gun, and a Bible” and founded Kansas’ second-oldest newspaper, the Oskaloosa Independent. His father, Wes Roberts, was briefly Republican National Committee chairman during the Eisenhower years. Pat Roberts graduated from Kansas State University with a journalism degree. He served four years in the Marine Corps, and then spent five years running a weekly newspaper in the suburbs of Phoenix.

Starting in 1967, he worked for two years as an aide to Sen. Frank Carlson, R-Kan. and then 12 years as chief aide to 1st District Rep. Keith Sebelius, R-Kan., the father-in-law of Health and Human Services Secretary and former Gov. Kathleen Sebelius. When Keith Sebelius retired in 1980, Roberts won the make-or-break GOP primary with 56% of the vote in a three-way contest, and then went on to easily win the general election. For 14 years, he was in the minority party in the House. He concentrated on farm issues, learning their intricacies and minutiae, and traveling in a van to keep in touch with constituents in a district so large it took two weeks to visit every county seat. His voting record was moderate, and he looked after Kansas’ interests.

Roberts once quipped, “When you’re from Kansas, you’re not appointed to (the Agriculture Committee), you’re sentenced to it.” In the 112th Congress (2011-12), he was the panel’s ranking Republican, and used his acumen to shape the measure reauthorizing agriculture and nutrition programs known as the farm bill. The Senate-passed version in 2012 called for ending a system of congressionally set target prices as part of a bigger shift away from fixed prices and payments for farmers. Roberts joined Democrats, and many Northern Republicans, in arguing that the farm bill shouldn’t be about making sure certain groups get the same amount of government aid they received in the past. But House Republicans and many Southern growers, particularly rice and peanut farmers, fought the idea. Those farmers had no experience with the kind of private crop insurance that Roberts championed and that was called for in the Senate proposal.

As the House stood firm, Roberts indicated his willingness to make concessions to reach a compromise. But leaders of the House Agriculture Committee — whose membership is more oriented toward the South — reportedly found him difficult to deal with, and it was left to Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., to negotiate a nine-month farm bill extension as part of the larger New Year’s Day 2013 budget deal aimed at averting the so-called “fiscal cliff.” After that, Mississippi Republican Thad Cochran, term-limited in the ranking spot on the Appropriations Committee, exercised his seniority to become Agriculture’s new ranking member when the new Congress open in early 2013. Roberts briefly considered challenging Cochran, who had voted against the Senate farm bill, but decided against it. He said he would remain on the panel and expressed hope he could remain influential. “I’ll be free to say more without all the strictures and remaining within the lines” of diplomacy, he told The Wichita Eagle. “If it’s not in the interest of the High Plains, I’m going to say something about it.” He accepted the ranking-member spot on the Rules and Administration Committee.

Roberts’ experience with the 2012 farm bill in some ways was reminiscent of a battle waged nearly two decades earlier. In 1995, after Republicans won majority control of Congress for the first time in 40 years, Roberts became chairman of the House Agriculture Committee. He had long believed that the huge subsidies of the early 1980s would never return. Faced with tight Republican budget parameters, Roberts drafted the so-called Freedom to Farm bill designed to phase out subsidies over seven years. In September 1995, his bill failed in committee when Southern Republicans, eager to protect cotton, rice and peanut subsidies, voted against it. Two months later, Roberts persuaded Agriculture conferees to include most of his bill in the 1996 budget reconciliation bill, which President Bill Clinton vetoed. To attract more support, Roberts agreed to maintain cotton and rice marketing loans and managed to preserve the popular Conservation Reserve Program. Still, in the end, his legislation was the biggest change in agriculture policy since the New Deal of 1933. Roberts’ revised bill passed the House Agriculture Committee 29-17 in January 1996, the full House in February, and became law in April.

After that effort, Roberts ran successfully for the Senate, winning the seat of retiring Sen. Nancy Landon Kassebaum in 1996. In the general election, he faced Democratic state Treasurer Sally Thompson and won easily, 62%-34%. He immediately took a seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee and continued his focus on farm issues.

The Freedom to Farm Act worked well in 1997, and farmers seemed to do fine with a much diminished government role in their businesses. But in 1998, crop prices plunged—in line with a long trend of falling prices for basic commodities—and some farmers demanded a return to the old system. Roberts resisted, and bills were passed to accelerate $4.5 billion in payments and to give farmers an extra $4 billion in disaster assistance. In 2000, the pattern continued. Roberts argued that increased subsidies for crop insurance would mean less need for yearly assistance and that limiting production would not raise prices because the U.S. accounts for less than one-fifth of world production. The problem seemed intractable. The number of family farmers continued to fall in places like western Kansas, where farm communities were disappearing, yet prices were not sufficient to maintain many operations.

Freedom to Farm came up for reauthorization in 2002, and this time, Democrats were in control of the Senate. Roberts was not chairman but the fifth-ranking member of the minority on the committee. He admitted that the Freedom to Farm Act “didn’t work out as anybody would have hoped” and, with Cochran, he pushed for farm savings accounts. But their proposal was rejected in favor of Chairman Tom Harkin’s approach: Revival of countercyclical subsidies when crop prices are low, plus a larger Conservation Reserve Program, which paid farmers not to farm their land in order to protect environmentally sensitive areas. Harkin prevailed on the Senate floor 58-40 in February 2002. Roberts wasn’t even on the conference committee. “This policy fails farmers,” he said. He argued that it would provide no aid when production was low and crop prices rose, which is exactly what happened when drought struck the Great Plains in the summer of 2002.

Roberts has tried to encourage farm exports in many ways, opposing cargo preferences and urging expanded powers for the president to negotiate trade deals and replenishment of International Monetary Fund funds. He was a lead sponsor of the 2000 law to end the embargo on food to Cuba, and Roberts supported normalizing trade relations with China.

His other major sphere of influence is national security. In 1999, as the new chairman of the Emerging Threats and Capabilities Subcommittee on Armed Services, he held hearings probing the nation’s vulnerability to terrorists and he presciently asserted that targets would be “selected for their symbolic value, like the World Trade Center in the heart of Manhattan.” He was particularly immersed in the issue of intelligence gathering as the Intelligence Committee chairman when Republicans controlled the Senate.

Over time, members of both parties on the committee arrived at the conclusion that pre-war intelligence was deeply flawed. In the summer of 2004, committee members led by Roberts unanimously criticized intelligence-gathering on Iraq and concluded that the Central Intelligence Agency had not seriously considered the possibility that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein had no weapons of mass destruction. Roberts proposed that the Intelligence panel take over from the Armed Services Committee oversight of Defense Department intelligence operations, but the proposal was predictably resisted. Later, a bipartisan reorganization of intelligence operations was undertaken by the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee.

The New York Times touched off another partisan battle in the committee when it reported in December 2005 that the National Security Agency was secretly monitoring contacts between al-Qaida suspects abroad and people in the United States. Democrats led by Sen. Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia sought a committee investigation, while Roberts insisted that the program was not only within the president’s constitutional powers, but “legal, necessary, and reasonable.” In March 2006, the committee voted along party lines not to conduct an investigation into the domestic surveillance program but to establish a seven-member panel charged with that responsibility. Roberts complained that some Democrats “believe the gravest threat we face is not Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida, but rather the president of the United States.” Roberts rotated off the committee in early 2007.

After President Barack Obama took office, Roberts staunchly opposed sending detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba to Fort Leavenworth in Kansas. “Not in our backyard. Not in Kansas. Not on my watch,” he said in May 2009. He and Brownback placed holds on executive branch appointees to the Defense and Justice departments to pressure the Pentagon to block the proposed transfers, and the idea eventually died. In another poke at Obama, Roberts in March 2012 offered an unsuccessful amendment to open Alaska’s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and other protected areas to oil drilling during a period of high gasoline prices.

Roberts has worked with Democrats on some issues. He joined Minnesota’s Al Franken and other Democrats on crafting a reauthorization of the Food and Drug Administration’s industry user fee agreements that passed the Senate in May 2012 on a 96-1 vote. Earlier, he worked with Harkin and Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts to limit consumer advertising on risky prescription drugs. He opposed Republican-inspired cuts in Medicare reimbursement rates for doctors, and told Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson in February 2008 that Medicare cuts were “just not gonna happen.”

The Democrats’ health care bill in 2009 and 2010 was another story. In the Finance Committee, Roberts said, “All indications are that this bill will be pulled increasingly toward more cost, more regulations, and more rationing as it continues through this process.” When HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius said she would have “zero tolerance” for insurers claiming costs were increased by the bill, Roberts was livid. “She is threatening to shut down private companies for exercising their First Amendment right to free speech,” he said. Roberts’ famously edgy rhetoric was aimed at Obama in May 2010 after a meeting with GOP senators. “The more he talked, the more he got upset. He needs to take a valium before he comes in and talks to Republicans, and just calm down, and don’t take anything so seriously,” Roberts said. “If you disagree with someone, it doesn’t mean you’re attacking their motives.”

Despite his reputation for humor, Roberts once complained that he wasn’t satisfied with the distinction. “I was lobbying for the ‘hottie of the year,’ but I can’t even get to lukewarm,” said the 70-something, utterly bald Roberts. He has compiled a “bucket list” of things to do before he dies. So far, he has succeeded in conducting the Kansas symphony orchestra, and riding, very briefly, a rodeo bull. But he has not yet been able to meet actress Sophia Loren, despite trips to Italy. “She just doesn’t answer my calls,” he complained.

Roberts had no Democratic opponent in 2002. The next time around, former Rep. Jim Slattery, who had been working as a Washington lawyer and lobbyist since losing a race for governor in 1994, returned to the state to challenge Roberts in 2008. Slattery ran a vigorous campaign, but Roberts, who routinely visits all 105 Kansas counties, spent nearly $7 million and called Slattery a lobbyist, “Gucci loafers and all.” He won 60%-36%.

Roberts had been considered a safe bet for a fourth term in the 2014 election, especially with home-state colleague Sen. Jerry Moran running the Senate GOP campaign committee. But he almost fell victim to a combination of anti-incumbency sentiment and a weak opponent in Milton Wolf, a radiologist who had the strong support of tea-party groups. Wolf -- a second cousin to Obama -- frequently argued that Roberts had been in Washington as either an aide or legislator for half a century. He based his campaign around his opposition to the Affordable Care Act. "My mission is to save the Republican Party and save the republic," Wolf told ABC News.

Wolf appeared to gain some traction when news outlets reported that he did not have a home of his own in Kansas, listing as his voting address a house belonging to longtime supporters and donors. But Wolf found himself dealing with an embarrassing controversy of his own: He was found to have posted patient X-rays on his Facebook page, accompanying some of them with jokes that many found distasteful. Though polls had shown Roberts up by wide margins, he managed only a 48%-41% primary win in August, getting help from two other candidates who split the remaining vote.

Unlike other incumbent Republicans who emerged victorious in primaries, Roberts' troubles didn't end there. His Democratic opponent, Chad Taylor, dropped out of the race in September. The move was seen as elevating the chances of Greg Orman, a well-funded independent candidate. The National Republican Senatorial Committee sought to take control over the race by sending Chris LaCivita, who had done work for several previous GOP campaigns, to Kansas to oversee efforts.

Show Less
Pat Roberts Election Results
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2008 General
Patrick Roberts (R)
Votes: 727,121
Percent: 60.06%
Spent: $6,506,851
Jim Slattery
Votes: 441,399
Percent: 36.46%
Spent: $1,677,905
Randall Hodgkinson
Votes: 25,727
Percent: 2.12%
2008 Primary
Patrick Roberts (R)
Votes: 214,911
Percent: 100.0%
Prior Winning Percentages
2002 (83%), 1996 (62%); House: 1994 (77%), 1992 (68%), 1990 (63%), 1988 (100%), 1986 (75%), 1984 (76%), 1982 (68%), 1980 (62%)
Pat Roberts Votes and Bills
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National Journal’s rating system is an objective method of analyzing voting. The liberal score means that the lawmaker’s votes were more liberal than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The conservative score means his votes were more conservative than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The composite score is an average of a lawmaker’s six issue-based scores. See all NJ Voting

More Liberal
More Conservative
2013 2012 2011
Economic 15 (L) : 80 (C) 27 (L) : 72 (C) 32 (L) : 67 (C)
Social - (L) : 92 (C) 15 (L) : 82 (C) 19 (L) : 80 (C)
Foreign 8 (L) : 90 (C) 34 (L) : 65 (C) 21 (L) : 78 (C)
Composite 10.2 (L) : 89.8 (C) 26.2 (L) : 73.8 (C) 24.5 (L) : 75.5 (C)
Interest Group Ratings

The vote ratings by 10 special interest groups provide insight into a lawmaker’s general ideology and the degree to which he or she agrees with the group’s point of view. Two organizations provide just one combined rating for 2011 and 2012, the two sessions of the 112th Congress. They are the ACLU and the ITIC. About the interest groups.

20112012
FRC7171
LCV014
CFG7855
ITIC-86
NTU8162
20112012
COC100-
ACLU-25
ACU8072
ADA1515
AFSCME0-
Key Senate Votes

The key votes show how a member of Congress voted on the major bills of the year. N indicates a "no" vote; Y a "yes" vote. If a member voted "present" or was absent, the bill caption is not shown. For a complete description of the bills included in key votes, see the Almanac's Guide to Usage.

    • End fiscal cliff
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Block faith exemptions
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve gas pipeline
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve farm bill
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Let cyber bill proceed
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Block Gitmo transfers
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Raise debt limit
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Pass balanced budget amendment
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Stop EPA climate regulations
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Proceed to Cordray vote
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Require talking filibuster
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Limit Fannie/Freddie
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Regulate financial firms
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Pass tax cuts for some
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Legalize immigrants' kids
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Ratify New START
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Confirm Elena Kagan
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Stop EPA climate regs
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2010
    • Repeal don't ask, tell
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Overturn Ledbetter
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Block release of TARP funds
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass $787 billion stimulus
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Repeal DC gun laws
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Confirm Sonia Sotomayor
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass health care bill
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Bar budget rules for climate bill
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass 2010 budget resolution
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Let judges adjust mortgages
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Allow FDA to regulate tobacco
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Protect gays from hate crimes
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Cut F-22 funds
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Label North Korea terrorist state
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Build Guantanamo replacement
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Allow federal funds for abortion
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Cap greenhouse gases
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2008
    • Bail out financial markets
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2008
    • Increase missile defense $
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2008
    • Overhaul FISA
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2008
    • Raise CAFE standards
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Expand SCHIP
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
    • Make English official language
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
    • Path to citizenship
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Fetus is unborn child
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
    • Prosecute hate crimes
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Withdraw troops 3/08
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Iran guard is terrorist group
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
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The Almanac is a members-only database of searchable profiles compiled and adapted from the Almanac of American Politics. Comprehensive online profiles include biographical and political summaries of elected officials, campaign expenditures, voting records, interest-group ratings, and congressional staff look-ups. In-depth overviews of each state and house district are included as well, along with demographic data, analysis of voting trends, and political histories.
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