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Republican

Sen. Mitch McConnell (R)

Leadership: Minority Leader
Mitch McConnell Contact
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Email: n/a
DC Contact Information

Phone: 202-224-2541

Address: 317 RSOB, DC 20510

State Office Contact Information

Phone: (502) 582-6304

Address: 601 West Broadway, Louisville KY 40202-2228

Bowling Green KY

Phone: (270) 781-1673

Fax: (270) 782-1884

Address: 241 East Main Street, Bowling Green KY 42101-2175

Fort Wright KY

Phone: (859) 578-0188

Fax: (859) 578-0488

Address: 1885 Dixie Highway, Fort Wright KY 41011-2679

Lexington KY

Phone: (859) 224-8286

Fax: (859) 224-9673

Address: 771 Corporate Drive, Lexington KY 40503-5439

London KY

Phone: (606) 864-2026

Fax: (606) 864-2035

Address: 300 South Main Street, London KY 40741-2415

Paducah KY

Phone: (270) 442-4554

Fax: (270) 443-3102

Address: 100 Fountain Avenue, Paducah KY 42001

Mitch McConnell Staff
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Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Deeley, Blake
Legislative Correspondent
Maxson, Philip
Legislative Assistant; Projects Director
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Deeley, Blake
Legislative Correspondent
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
McKinstry, Nancy
Legislative Correspondent
Howard, Andrew
Legislative Correspondent
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
McKinstry, Nancy
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Howard, Andrew
Legislative Correspondent
Adams, Julie
Director of Administration
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Biagi, Michael
Field Representative
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Butt, Donna
Field Assistant
Crigler, Chase
Field Representative
Deeley, Blake
Legislative Correspondent
Foster, Patrick
Director of Constituent Services
Howard, Andrew
Legislative Correspondent
Johnson, Collin
Constituent Services Representative
Kraft, Kim
Field Assistant
Lawrence, Amanda
Constituent Services Representative
Lewis, Holly
Field Representative
Maxson, Philip
Legislative Assistant; Projects Director
McClure, Donna
Field Representative
McKinstry, Nancy
Legislative Correspondent
Palmer, Erin
Constituent Services Representative
Penn, Stephanie
Deputy Communications Director
Schulte, Angie
State Office Manager
Steurer, Robert
Communications Director
Stivers, Regina
Field Representative
Sulfab, Elmamoun
Systems Administrator
Tharp, Sue
Field Assistant
Vincent, Laura
Assistant to the Chief of Staff
Wiles, Martie
Field Representative
Sulfab, Elmamoun
Systems Administrator
Butt, Donna
Field Assistant
Kraft, Kim
Field Assistant
Tharp, Sue
Field Assistant
Vincent, Laura
Assistant to the Chief of Staff
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Steurer, Robert
Communications Director
Penn, Stephanie
Deputy Communications Director
Adams, Julie
Director of Administration
Foster, Patrick
Director of Constituent Services
Maxson, Philip
Legislative Assistant; Projects Director
Bennett, Tate
Legislative Assistant
Maxson, Philip
Legislative Assistant; Projects Director
Burton, Paige
Legislative Correspondent
Deeley, Blake
Legislative Correspondent
Howard, Andrew
Legislative Correspondent
McKinstry, Nancy
Legislative Correspondent
Brownell, Reb
Acting Chief of Staff; Legislative Director
Schulte, Angie
State Office Manager
Biagi, Michael
Field Representative
Crigler, Chase
Field Representative
Johnson, Collin
Constituent Services Representative
Lawrence, Amanda
Constituent Services Representative
Lewis, Holly
Field Representative
McClure, Donna
Field Representative
Palmer, Erin
Constituent Services Representative
Stivers, Regina
Field Representative
Wiles, Martie
Field Representative
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Mitch McConnell Committees
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Mitch McConnell Biography
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  • Elected: 1984, term expires 2014, 5th term.
  • State: Kentucky
  • Born: Feb. 20, 1942, Tuscumbia, AL
  • Home: Louisville
  • Education:

    U. of Louisville, B.A. 1964, U. of KY, J.D. 1967

  • Professional Career:

    Chief legis. asst., U.S. Sen. Marlow Cook, 1968–70; Dpty. asst. U.S. atty. gen., 1974–75.

  • Political Career:

    Jefferson Cnty. judge exec., 1978–85.

  • Ethnicity: White/Caucasian
  • Religion:

    Baptist

  • Family: Married (Elaine Chao); 3 children

Republican Mitch McConnell, the senior senator from Kentucky, was first elected in 1984 and rose through the ranks to become the Senate minority leader. A tough, thick-skinned tactician, he has made it his quest to lead the opposition to President Barack Obama but he also has been a skillful negotiator at times of crisis when partisanship has threatened the ability of the government to function. Read More

Republican Mitch McConnell, the senior senator from Kentucky, was first elected in 1984 and rose through the ranks to become the Senate minority leader. A tough, thick-skinned tactician, he has made it his quest to lead the opposition to President Barack Obama but he also has been a skillful negotiator at times of crisis when partisanship has threatened the ability of the government to function.

McConnell grew up in Alabama, where he overcame polio, and at age 13, moved to Louisville. He has been in politics for most of his adult life. Between college and law school at the University of Louisville, he was an intern for Republican Sen. John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky, whom he later said he admired for carrying out “his best judgment instead of pandering to the popular view.” Soon after graduating from law school, he became chief legislative assistant to Kentucky Sen. Marlow Cook. He served in the Ford administration Justice Department and then moved back to Louisville.

In 1977, at age 35, McConnell won the office that had been Cook’s political stepping-stone, Jefferson County judge-executive. He was reelected in 1981, and in 1984, he ran for the Senate against incumbent Democrat Walter (Dee) Huddleston. McConnell ran a clever ad showing bloodhounds sniffing for Huddleston in vacation locales where Huddleston had collected fees for speeches while the Senate was in session. McConnell won by 5,169 votes out of 1.2 million cast. Part of a Washington power couple, he is married to former Bush administration Labor Secretary Elaine Chao.

As minority leader, McConnell preaches cohesion, stressing to GOP colleagues how sticking together and playing what he calls “team ball” gives them greater leverage with the Democratic White House. In stark contrast to his Democratic counterpart in the Senate, Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada, he is a cautious and highly disciplined speaker. “The idea of an off-the-cuff comment is anathema to him,” wrote Louisville Courier-Journal columnist John David Dyche in a 2009 biography. Nor does he share much about his thinking. “Mitch tends to play things close to the vest,” Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, who became McConnell’s right-hand man as minority whip in 2013, told The New York Times. Though he focuses most of his energy on thwarting Democrats, Republicans know that they cross him at their peril. “There are few things more daunting in politics,” Arizona GOP Sen. John McCain once said, “than the determined opposition of McConnell.”

McConnell doesn’t aspire to be a household name—his parliamentary mastery and silent strategizing recalls an earlier political era—but he is a guiding force in the party. In a prescient 2009 speech to the Republican National Committee, he warned the GOP to expand its base beyond the South and parts of the Midwest or risk being seen as a “regional party.” And he often seeks to shape the party’s overall message, repeating poll-tested phrases intended to sway public opinion. After Obama signed his health care legislation into law in 2010, McConnell launched Republicans on the campaign to “repeal and replace” it, which became the byword of the GOP opposition to the law.

McConnell began Obama’s presidency in a difficult spot. Democrats emerged from the 2008 election with a larger majority in the House and with 58 seats in the Senate, leaving them just short of the 60 votes needed to defeat a filibuster. McConnell was not entirely successful at first in holding Republicans together. In February 2009, the Senate approved Obama’s $787 billion economic stimulus bill 61-37 with three Republican votes. Then he got more bad news. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, trailing his 2004 Republican primary opponent Pat Toomey in the polls, switched parties and joined the Democrats. In July, when Democrat Al Franken was seated in Minnesota after a recount, the Democrats got to the magic 60, a theoretically filibuster-proof majority.

In spite of the tough odds, McConnell exploited dissension among the Democrats in May 2009 to deny the administration $80 million to close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. During the health care debate, with his Republicans united and Democrats divided, he took aim at the option in the bill for a federally-run insurance provider, and the so-called public option was eventually dropped. Throughout work on the bill, McConnell deepened his working relationship with the Republican leader in the House, John Boehner of Ohio. “I have found him absolutely delightful to work with,” he told National Journal in March 2010, “and philosophically we tend to see things the same way.”

McConnell tried in the spring of 2010 to stop the Dodd-Frank financial regulation bill—a response to the Wall Street meltdown—but, like health care, it ultimately passed. He also fought Obama’s nominations of Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court without success. He reversed his previous opposition to filibusters of high court nominees in July 2009, claiming that the Democrats had changed the rules of the game. McConnell’s ability to hold his caucus together paid off at some critical moments. After the 2010 election, Obama hoped to strike a deal with congressional Republicans to extend the Bush-era tax cuts for two more years for all households except those earning over $200,000 a year. But Senate Republicans, led by McConnell, rejected any proposal that did not extend the tax cuts for everyone, and Obama was forced to go along. The Senate also stopped in its tracks the House-passed bill to impose a cap-and-trade system of emissions limits on polluters.

McConnell generally supported Obama’s approach to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. But in August 2010, after having his first one-on-one meeting with the president, he showed no sign of finding common ground on domestic issues. Asked whether there was too much obstruction in the Senate, he said, “I think the Senate is operating largely like our founding fathers anticipated it would.” And in an interview with National Journal two months later, he made the comment that came to exemplify his impede-at-all-costs philosophy: “The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president.”

Republicans gained six Senate seats in the November 2010 election, leaving McConnell with 47 GOP votes and Democrats far short of a filibuster-proof majority. Among the new arrivals were independent-minded conservatives who were plugged into the tea party movement and who had beat establishment-backed candidates. The most dramatic case was the contest for Kentucky’s other Senate seat. After helping Republican Jim Bunning win in 1998, McConnell had lost faith in Bunning’s political skills. Going into the 2010 election, McConnell made it clear Bunning should not run again. The incumbent was livid, calling McConnell a “control freak,” but he bowed out. The consensus choice of McConnell and other state Republicans to replace Bunning was Kentucky Secretary of State Trey Grayson. But also running was Rand Paul, the son of libertarian presidential candidate Ron Paul, a House member from Texas. Bunning and influential conservative Jim DeMint of South Carolina endorsed Paul, who also had support from tea party groups. In the May 2010 primary, Paul trounced Grayson, 59%-35%, and went on to win in November.

McConnell indulged the Republican newcomers’ appetite for confrontation. He followed the lead of the GOP-controlled House in February and brought up repeal of the health care law, knowing it would not pass. Aware of the need to show unity, he ceded to the House on other matters, including a ban on earmarks. He did reach agreement with Reid on modest changes to Senate rules, including an informal pact to reduce the number of filibusters in exchange for allowing more amendments from the minority side. But McConnell discouraged individual Republican senators from making deals with Democrats. And he blocked the appointment of members to the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau set up under Dodd-Frank, saying that the confirmation process was “the only tool we have against the most stridently left-wing administration we’ve seen in this country.”

Next came the drawn-out duel over raising the federal debt ceiling in 2011. McConnell at first sounded an ambitious tone: “Divided government is the best time—and some would argue the only time—where you can do really big stuff,” he said in May. But he stopped short of endorsing House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan’s proposal to partly privatize Medicare, which had become a Democratic punching bag, calling instead for tighter eligibility requirements and reduced benefits. He made a point of avoiding criticism of Reid and trained his fire on New York Democrat Charles Schumer, who had assumed control of his party’s messaging efforts. McConnell repeatedly blamed Schumer for being too singularly focused on the 2012 elections at the expense of the nation’s problems.

When negotiations with the White House over the debt limit stalled, McConnell raised his profile, earning comparisons to a baseball team’s relief-pitching closer. He espoused a more incremental approach as a last-ditch “backup” that would permit a series of debt increases, putting the onus on Democrats to vote for additional borrowing. Members of both parties denounced it as a political solution to a policy problem, and Missouri Democratic Sen. Claire McCaskill said it showed the minority leader had “lost his mind.” With the clock ticking toward an economically damaging default, McConnell began warning about the political consequences of failing to act. He met with his old Senate colleague, Vice President Joe Biden—known in the White House as “the McConnell Whisperer,” according to Bob Woodward’s book The Price of Politics—to strike a deal. The final agreement denied Obama any increases in taxes or revenue and foisted the hard choices on a bipartisan “super committee.” The protracted process over increasing the debt limit, a move made necessary by earlier spending decisions by Congress, revolted many congressional observers, but McConnell said the debt ceiling had become a highly useful GOP bargaining chip. “I think some of our members may have thought the default issue was a hostage you might take a chance at shooting,” he told The Washington Post. “Most of us didn’t think that. What we did learn is this: It’s a hostage that’s worth ransoming.”

The debt ceiling talks served as a prelude to the “fiscal cliff” negotiations in late 2012, aimed at averting automatic budget cuts and tax hikes that could impair the nation’s economic recovery. By then, the super committee had become gridlocked, Obama had won a second term, and—against great odds—Senate Democrats added two seats to their majority. Once again, talks between Obama and congressional Republicans proved fruitless, and again, McConnell reached out to Biden. “Does anyone down there know how to make a deal?” the minority leader reportedly asked the vice president, setting in motion more than a dozen conversations that culminated in a New Year’s Day 2013 agreement. The Senate overwhelmingly approved their handiwork, 89-8, and despite conservatives’ opposition, it drew sufficient votes to pass in the House as well.

The minority leader called the measure “an imperfect solution,” but said that it was far preferable to the massive spending cuts that would have kicked in, and he vowed not to accept any new revenue in future dealings with Democrats. Still, activists on the right were outraged that it gave Obama his long-desired tax increase on the wealthy. ForAmerica Chairman Brent Bozell said in an ad targeting McConnell, “His role as President Obama’s bag man in the latest fiscal cliff disaster clearly demonstrates that Senator McConnell is more interested in the art of the bad deal than standing up and fighting for conservative principles.”

Despite the acrimony from the right, political experts said the bipartisanship evident in the agreement probably enhanced McConnell’s stature among Kentucky’s moderate voters in his upcoming 2014 reelection bid. All indications were that McConnell was taking that bid seriously, especially with approval ratings back home that were at or below the 50% mark. By the fall of 2013, he had raised more than $13 million, and to make inroads among tea party groups, he hired as his campaign manager Jesse Benton, who had worked for both Rand and Ron Paul. Democrats encouraged actress Ashley Judd to consider a challenge, but she opted against it.

Still, McConnell's reelection woes were far from over. He drew a potentially serious threat in the GOP primary from Matt Bevin, a wealthy investment manager and business owner favored by Kentucky's potent tea party forces. And two national conservative groups with deep pockets were also taking an interest in Bevin's candidacy: the Madison Project, which helped Republican Ted Cruz's insurgent and ultimately successful campaign for the Senate in Texas, and the Senate Conservatives Fund, a political action committee allied with former Republican Sen. Jim DeMint, the president of the Heritage Foundation and a leader of the no-compromises conservative faction. In the general election, McConnell faced a credible opponent in Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes, Kentucky's secretary of state.

The gathering political forces against McConnell leading up to the 2014 election made it far more difficult for him to play the role of dealmaker when yet another budget standoff unfolded in October 2013. House Republicans effectively shut down the government by demanding a rollback of the Obama health care law in return for their votes funding routine government operations. The president refused, and unlike in the earlier budget battles, there seemed to be little potential for the White House to open quiet, back-channel negotiations with McConnell in the Senate. Steve Voss, a University of Kentucky political scientist told USA Today, "How many concessions does (McConnell) have to make, how many promises to the right, in order to put this primary challenge away? So most likely that's the threat--does McConnell have to alienate a lot of middle-of-the-road voters in order to beat back this challenge?"  

McConnell started his climb in leadership in 1992, when he won a seat on the powerful Appropriations Committee and then became chairman of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee. In that role, he opposed Burmese dictators who imprisoned Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, was a strong supporter of Israel, and an advocate for human rights in Cambodia, Egypt, and other nations. But he also took care of Kentucky. He frequently used his seat on Appropriations to channel aid to his home state, and he was particularly helpful to the tobacco industry.

Another major area of interest for McConnell has been campaign finance law. He became the Senate’s leading opponent of efforts to curb political action committees and soft money, which were large, unregulated contributions to political parties. He argued that such restrictions were unconstitutional infringements of free speech. In late 1999, with more than 40 senators on his side, he killed a version of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance bill. In early 2001, McCain brought the bill forward again, and despite McConnell’s efforts, it passed. But it excluded many provisions from previous McCain-Feingold bills, including public subsidies for candidates and voluntary spending limits. The bill was also amended with a provision to double the limit on individual contributions, which McConnell supported. When he was challenged about the potential inconsistency between his opposition to campaign finance regulation and his vote for amending the Constitution to allow the banning of flag-burning, another form of free expression, McConnell switched his position and became one of the few Republicans to consistently vote against measures to ban the burning of the American flag.

After the campaign finance law was enacted, McConnell filed a lawsuit challenging its constitutionality. “There won’t be any less speech or money spent. Dramatically more will be spent, just in a different way,” McConnell predicted, and warned that unregulated fundraising groups called 527s would raise and spend huge amounts of money, as indeed they did in the 2004 election cycle. The lower courts upheld most provisions of the law. But in January 2010, the U.S. Supreme Court, reversing earlier precedents, struck down a key reform when it ruled in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that curbs on political spending by corporations are an unconstitutional infringement on free speech.

In 1990, McConnell ran for chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, but lost to Phil Gramm of Texas. He tried again in 1996 and won. But he was unable to get Republican senators to contribute as much to the campaigns of fellow Republicans as the Democrats gave to their campaigns, and Republicans gained no seats in 1998. In the 2000 election, he had even tougher sledding. Republicans lost most of the close Senate contests, and the outcome was a 50-50 split that put Democrats in position to gain a majority a few months later, when Jim Jeffords left the Republican Party to become an independent affiliated with the Democrats.

The job of Republican whip came open in 2002, and McConnell campaigned for months among his colleagues, and his only opponent, Larry Craig of Idaho, dropped out several days before the contest. Then in December, Republican Leader Trent Lott of Mississippi came under a storm of criticism when he spoke favorably of Strom Thurmond’s segregationist campaign for president in 1948 at an event honoring Thurmond on his 100th birthday. McConnell was Lott’s strongest public defender, threatening retaliation against Democrats if they moved to censure him. But on December 20, as the controversy showed no sign of abating, he privately recommended to Lott that he “step down as soon as possible.” Ordinarily, McConnell might have been in line for the leader’s position at that point, but he did not challenge Tennessee’s Bill Frist when Frist ran for Lott’s post. So Frist became Senate majority leader and McConnell majority whip and a key adviser to Frist, who was relatively unversed in Senate procedures.

McConnell showed considerable mastery of Senate rules and, when Frist retired from the Senate in 2006, he ran for majority leader. Republicans ended up losing their majority in 2006, so McConnell became minority leader instead, but he did so without opposition. There was some bipartisan cooperation at first. Appropriations bills left over from the previous Congress were passed in early 2007, and agreement on a minimum wage increase was reached after Democrats agreed to Republicans’ demand for tax cuts for small businesses. But harmony did not last long. In February, Reid introduced a resolution, supported by some Republicans, opposing President George W. Bush’s strategy for a troop surge in Iraq. McConnell announced that he would block debate on Reid’s resolution unless Republicans got votes on their resolutions setting 11 goals for the Iraqi government. On this, as on other issues over the next two years, McConnell was able to hold 41 or more Republicans together to get Reid to meet their demands, as Republicans conducted a record number of filibusters. McConnell observed that he lived by “an 80/20 rule.” He spent 80% of his time trying to coax 20% of Republican senators to stick with the party.

In maneuverings on the budget in 2007, McConnell insisted Democrats hold down spending to the levels proposed by the Bush administration and provide funding for the Iraq war without strings attached, and he prevailed. Yet he worked on a bipartisan basis on some issues. He cut an early deal with Reid that paved the way for Senate passage of the $700 billion Wall Street rescue that the Bush administration sought in the fall of 2008. He also supported the loan package that year for the major U.S. automakers.

McConnell has seldom had an easy time of it in his reelection bids, and 2008 was no exception. Since 1984, he had won reelection three times, but always after spirited competition, from former Louisville Mayor Harvey Sloane in 1990; from now Gov. Steve Beshear in 1996; and from Lois Combs Weinberg in 2002. Sloane and Beshear held McConnell to 52% and 55% of the vote, respectively. He did much better against Weinberg, winning 65%-35%. But in 2008, Democrats, still smarting from former Majority Leader Tom Daschle’s defeat in 2004, were determined to put up a tough opponent against McConnell. They found Bruce Lunsford, a hospital and nursing home operator and multimillionaire. He spent nearly $11 million, more than $7 million of it his own money, and ran a string of negative ads against McConnell, including one showing dogs chasing the senator—a takeoff on McConnell’s 1984 bloodhound ads—and another criticizing McConnell for supporting the financial industry bailout.

McConnell raised $21 million, and ultimately spent it all. His ads compared himself to Kentucky’s long-serving Democratic Sen. Alben Barkley, who was the Senate majority leader and later Harry Truman’s vice president, and reminded voters of the money and projects he had brought home. McConnell won 53%-47%, running behind GOP presidential candidate John McCain’s 57% in Kentucky. He lost the state’s two largest urban counties, Jefferson and Fayette, where the Louisville and Lexington newspapers have long opposed him. He also lost some traditionally Democratic counties in the eastern mountains and in the western part of the state. The victory made McConnell the longest-serving senator in Kentucky history.

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Mitch McConnell Election Results
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2008 General
Mitch McConnell (R)
Votes: 953,816
Percent: 52.97%
Spent: $20,991,678
Bruce Lunsford
Votes: 847,005
Percent: 47.03%
Spent: $10,883,172
2008 Primary
Mitch McConnell (R)
Votes: 168,127
Percent: 86.09%
Daniel Essek
Votes: 27,170
Percent: 13.91%
Prior Winning Percentages
2002 (65%); 1996 (55%); 1990 (52%); 1984 (50%)
Mitch McConnell Votes and Bills
Back to top NJ Vote Ratings

National Journal’s rating system is an objective method of analyzing voting. The liberal score means that the lawmaker’s votes were more liberal than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The conservative score means his votes were more conservative than that percentage of his colleagues’ votes. The composite score is an average of a lawmaker’s six issue-based scores. See all NJ Voting

More Liberal
More Conservative
2013 2012 2011
Economic 15 (L) : 80 (C) 23 (L) : 76 (C) 10 (L) : 88 (C)
Social 23 (L) : 75 (C) 18 (L) : 79 (C) 22 (L) : 75 (C)
Foreign 24 (L) : 73 (C) 6 (L) : 92 (C) 6 (L) : 89 (C)
Composite 22.3 (L) : 77.7 (C) 16.7 (L) : 83.3 (C) 14.3 (L) : 85.7 (C)
Interest Group Ratings

The vote ratings by 10 special interest groups provide insight into a lawmaker’s general ideology and the degree to which he or she agrees with the group’s point of view. Two organizations provide just one combined rating for 2011 and 2012, the two sessions of the 112th Congress. They are the ACLU and the ITIC. About the interest groups.

20112012
FRC7185
LCV97
CFG8874
ITIC-88
NTU9177
20112012
COC100-
ACLU-75
ACU85100
ADA100
AFSCME0-
Key Senate Votes

The key votes show how a member of Congress voted on the major bills of the year. N indicates a "no" vote; Y a "yes" vote. If a member voted "present" or was absent, the bill caption is not shown. For a complete description of the bills included in key votes, see the Almanac's Guide to Usage.

    • End fiscal cliff
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Block faith exemptions
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve gas pipeline
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Approve farm bill
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Let cyber bill proceed
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2012
    • Block Gitmo transfers
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2012
    • Raise debt limit
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Pass balanced budget amendment
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Stop EPA climate regulations
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Proceed to Cordray vote
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Require talking filibuster
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2011
    • Limit Fannie/Freddie
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2011
    • Regulate financial firms
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Pass tax cuts for some
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Legalize immigrants' kids
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Ratify New START
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Confirm Elena Kagan
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Stop EPA climate regs
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2010
    • Repeal don't ask, tell
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2010
    • Overturn Ledbetter
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Block release of TARP funds
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass $787 billion stimulus
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Repeal DC gun laws
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Confirm Sonia Sotomayor
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass health care bill
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Bar budget rules for climate bill
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Pass 2010 budget resolution
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Let judges adjust mortgages
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Allow FDA to regulate tobacco
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Protect gays from hate crimes
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Cut F-22 funds
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Label North Korea terrorist state
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2009
    • Build Guantanamo replacement
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Allow federal funds for abortion
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2009
    • Cap greenhouse gases
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2008
    • Bail out financial markets
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2008
    • Increase missile defense $
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2008
    • Overhaul FISA
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2008
    • Raise CAFE standards
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Expand SCHIP
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Make English official language
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
    • Path to citizenship
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Fetus is unborn child
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
    • Prosecute hate crimes
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Withdraw troops 3/08
    • Vote: N
    • Year: 2007
    • Iran guard is terrorist group
    • Vote: Y
    • Year: 2007
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Mitch McConnell Leadership Staff
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Adams, Julie
Director of Administration
Ashbrook, John
Communications Center Staff Director (on leave)
Barnes, Katie
Director, Arrangements
Bremberg, Andrew
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Brumas, R. Michael
Communications Director
Chatterjee, Neil
Advisor, Policy Agriculture, Energy, Environmental and Transportation Issues
Dunn, Brendan
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Hauptmann, David
Communications Advisor, New Media
Hawkins, Tom
Advisor, National Security
Kenney, Matthew
Analyst, Communications Center
McGuire, Brian
Deputy Communications Director; Director of Speechwriting
Nepola, Ali
Analyst, Research
Raab, Scott
Advisor, Policy
Stewart, Donald
Deputy Chief of Staff
Sulfab, Elmamoun
Systems Administrator
Sulfab, Elmamoun
Systems Administrator
Bremberg, Andrew
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Chatterjee, Neil
Advisor, Policy Agriculture, Energy, Environmental and Transportation Issues
Dunn, Brendan
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Hauptmann, David
Communications Advisor, New Media
Hawkins, Tom
Advisor, National Security
Raab, Scott
Advisor, Policy
Kenney, Matthew
Analyst, Communications Center
Nepola, Ali
Analyst, Research
Brumas, R. Michael
Communications Director
Bremberg, Andrew
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Dunn, Brendan
Advisor, Policy; Counsel
Stewart, Donald
Deputy Chief of Staff
McGuire, Brian
Deputy Communications Director; Director of Speechwriting
Adams, Julie
Director of Administration
Ashbrook, John
Communications Center Staff Director (on leave)
Barnes, Katie
Director, Arrangements
McGuire, Brian
Deputy Communications Director; Director of Speechwriting
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The Almanac is a members-only database of searchable profiles compiled and adapted from the Almanac of American Politics. Comprehensive online profiles include biographical and political summaries of elected officials, campaign expenditures, voting records, interest-group ratings, and congressional staff look-ups. In-depth overviews of each state and house district are included as well, along with demographic data, analysis of voting trends, and political histories.
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